Showing posts with label Mossad. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mossad. Show all posts

Wednesday 28 January 2015

The Erdogan That Turned...

'French citizens carry out such a massacre, and Muslims pay the price,' Erdogan said yesterday.

'That's very meaningful ... Doesn't their intelligence organisation track those who leave prison?

'Games are being played with the Islamic world, we need to be aware of this.'

'The West's hypocrisy is obvious. As Muslims, we've never taken part in terrorist massacres. Behind these lie racism, hatespeech and Islamophobia,' Erdogan added.

Erdogan also denounced Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for attending a solidarity rally in France on Sunday with other world leaders after the Paris attacks.

'How can a man who has killed 2,500 people in Gaza with state terrorism wave his hand in Paris, like people are waiting in excitement for him to do so? How dare he go there?' he said.




"In Eurasia the great historic fault lines between civilizations are once more aflame. This is particularly true along the boundaries of the crescent-shaped Islamic bloc of nations, from the bulge of Africa to central Asia. Violence also occurs between Muslims, on the one hand, and Orthodox Serbs in the Balkans, Jews in Israel, Hindus in India, Buddhists in Burma and Catholics in the Philippines. 

Islam has bloody borders."

Samuel P. Huntington
"The Clash of Civilizations?" 
Foreign Affairs, 
Council on Foreign Relations, 1993

'Islam's borders are bloody and so are its innards."

' No single statement in my Foreign Affairs article attracted more critical comment than: "Islam has bloody borders." I made that judgment on the basis of a casual survey of intercivilizational conflicts. Quantitative evidence from every disinterested source conclusively demonstrates its validity.'

Samuel P. Huntington
The Clash of Civilizations (1997)
p.258



"The fundamental problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism. It is Islam, a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power. The problem for Islam is not the CIA or the US department of Defence. It is the West, a different civilisation whose people are convinced of the universality of their culture and believe that their superior, if declining, power imposes on them the obligation to extend that culture throughout the world. These are the basic ingredients that fuel conflict between Islam and the West."

Ibid.
P. 217.

"In Western Europe, anti-Semitism directed against Arabs has largely replaced Anti-Semitism against Jews"

Ibid.
P. 200.

Sunday 6 July 2014

Roy Cohn


HIV is not the cause of AIDS.
(Or Karposi Sarcoma)



LIFE MAGAZINE
THE SNARLING DEATH OF ROY M. COHN
Elevated by Joe McCarthy, felled by AIDS, he went with no regrets
March 1988
By Nicholas von Hoffman





207S-004-03A 



Four months before the end, a haggard Cohn posed willingly, just as he’d sought the spotlight with McCarthy 35 years earlier.

A the time of his death on August 2, 1986, Roy Cohn was 59 and a generation had come to adulthood knowing of no senator named Joe McCarthy. But people born in the 1940s or earlier remember Cohn and his master performing on television. They remember coming home to be hushed by a mother or aunt who was watching the hearings; they remember a father's opinion, expressed at the family table when families still ate together. Roy served as chief counsel on Senator McCarthy's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. But exactly what was the subversive menace that Cohn investigated? 


Today the United States, alone among the major democracies, has no Communists, no socialists, no anarchists, no left-wing political groups except in microscopic numbers. Few Americans under 50 have seen or heard a Communist who didn't speak with a foreign accent. The purging of American society in which Roy Cohn took such a conspicuous part in the early 1950s may seem like a gratuitously malevolent lunacy. In actuality, domestic Communism posed a problem like that posed by the Catholic Church to Protestant England in Elizabeth I's time. Both were sometimes public, sometimes clandestine organizations ideologically connected to a foreign power. Some of the members of the CPUSA were connected to the Soviet Union of Joseph Stalin.



The fact that these smart, tough men and women often did not identify themselves as Communists gave non-Communists a permanent case of the jitters. Citizens were taken before commissions, subcommittees, grand juries, courts and other instruments of inquiry. They were asked, by Roy Cohn and others, that terrible question: "Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist party? "



For younger people, however, Roy Cohn was simply another name for a très smart lawyer, for Disco Dan, for the international, I-go-by-private-plane man. He hosted parties in Washington; he was a lawyer with famous friends and rich, rich clients. He was a figure very tough and in on things, a champion of the underdog, though definitely running with the overdog pack. He nested on the nighttime radio call-in shows; he spread his wings over Koppel on Nightline. He appeared to be able to avoid all taxes and all penalties, maybe because he was connected, or on the A list, or known to the headwaiters and hostesses of New York. 



But just as his Communist foes hid their secret beliefs, Roy Cohn hid his private life as a homosexual. When AIDS killed him in the bloom of the Reagan years, the public discourse had turned to family values and Americanism. The triumph of patriotic kitsch must have pleased Cohn, for he himself reveled in little flag-waving displays. At his parties he'd haul people to their feet to sing "God Bless America," evidently his favorite song, and though he was a lifelong operagoer, Roy's idea of a good time was to sing patriotic ditties at a piano bar in Provincetown, on Cape Cod. A friend recalled going home early one summer evening, and, on inquiring the next morning about the rest of the night, being told, "We all stood around the piano. Roy sang three choruses of 'God Bless America,' got a hard-on and went home to bed."



"My vision of him in my youth was like everybody else's. I was living down in Texas, reading about the McCarthy era and was appalled, since I was a very liberal kid, raised in a liberal tradition, and I thought he was just the devil incarnate. But after I came to New York and was a little more cynical myself I got a big kick out of watching him operate here. This (New York) was really his dominion. And, you know, to the end of his life he remained this very strange Jewish son who was still trying to please his mother and father's portrait over his piano"
- Liz Smith, 
syndicated gossip columnist.



Labor Day, 1984. Provincetown was readying itself for another night of dancing and partying, for this was the last holiday of the season. Lying on a chaise on the deck of Roy's cottage, Russell Eldridge was sick. He was 20 years younger than Roy, but misfortune had come to Russell first. At one time or another Russell had done everything for Roy but get into bed with him. He had mixed the drinks, cut Roy's hair, brought in the cash from Roy's various businesses. 

He ran strange errands, such as rounding up the night's boys at the Boat Slip bar in Provincetown. Gay people, straight people cottoned to Russell. He had a way of being a part of Roy's madnesses and yet standing apart from them, looking on with sardonic good humor. Years ago he was supposed to have been wicked, the mean kind of man hustler. He had outgrown his bad self, but now Russell was 50 pounds lighter, a shaking scarecrow, wrapped in towels and lying on Roy's deck. 



There had been great times in Provincetown, but this time Russell hadn't wanted to come. He couldn't even walk by himself. "He knew he'd have to pretend he was feeling better than he was for Roy," Russell's friend Sue Greenig remembers. "That's what he did until he couldn't pretend anymore." Roy acted as if there were nothing wrong with Russell, though he knew the virus was in both their bodies. Roy wasn't admitting it, and Russell shouldn't either.



Roy would look at Russell and say, "Let's go to dinner," and they all would put Russell in the car and go, but Russell wasn't able to eat. Roy wasn't being cruel. "He was very good with him," Sue says, "but he refused to let him know that he knew Russell was really sick. Roy didn't want anybody to baby him." At the same time Roy could be heard blowing up at Roger, the houseboy, because he didn't bring Russell orange juice or water quickly enough.



The cottage was jammed with holiday people. It was a small place: Upstairs Peter Fraser and Roy shared the big bedroom, Sue and Russell were in the small one, and downstairs more casual friends came and went. "That's the way he liked it," Sue says. "People stacked up." Roy wasn't permitting any dying on these premises. "Russell doesn't have AIDS," he'd say. "He is fine; he is going to be O.K."



It was about a year after Russell's diagnosis that Roy was given his, and it happened the same way, beginning with a visit to the doctor's office for a small nothing. Roy apparently cut himself shaving, and it wouldn't stop bleeding. "He went to the doctor," one of Cohn's friends recalls, "and they removed two growths plus something on his leg." 


[Karposi Sarcoma (KS) - CANCER ]

Roy's own account, which may be less than 100 percent reliable, was that he was in his plane flying to Washington when the call came through on the radiotelephone telling him that a growth on his ear was malignant. His story to the end was that he had cancer, not AIDS.



[Karposi Sarcoma (KS) - CANCER ]


Roy thought he'd have six months to live, although in fact he would have two years. To his lover Peter Fraser, 28, it seemed that Roy dealt with the news very practically. "When he found out, he didn't cry but a couple of tears," Peter says. "He was thinking about his Aunt Libby and his friends who would be affected by him dying. He tried to make sure I would be taken care of."



Yet Cohn would die hard; he would clamp onto the doorjambs, and when death yanked him through to the other side, he would go without grace and without the consolations of philosophy, arms flailing, legs kicking. But for now, in the summer of '84, he made ready. He took out his yellow legal pads and worked on his memoirs. "He just started doing it on the boat or in the sun somewhere," Peter says. "He'd write longhand, page after page after page."



The only child of Dora and Albert Cohn was born on February 20, 1927, at Manhattan's Woman's Hospital. Roy's father was a judge who had married into the well-to-do Marcus family. "When Roy was born, he was a cute little baby, an adorable-looking kid, but he had a little spur on his nose and that drove Dora crazy," one of the family says. "She took him to some surgeon or other who botched the job of trying to get rid of the spur. All his life Roy had that scar down his nose."



Roy lived at home until Dora died in 1969. He was a middle-aged man before he and this driving, loving, shy, combative woman parted. The young lawyers who worked in Cohn’s law office in the '50s and '60s, after he'd returned from Washington, were amused by Dora. They were fond of her in a teasing way. Howard Krantz, one of the associates, recalls that she had a slight speech impediment that caused her to call her son Woy. Dora also called him "my child" so often they came to refer to Roy as "the child."



Having one's mother wandering around one's law office is not the way a practice is ordinarily run, but Roy always said that he mixed his personal and professional lives so thoroughly that they were an amalgam. It was thought he said this only because on his tax returns he wrote off his personal spending as business costs. But Roy was speaking the truth. Mother came and went in the office, and business meetings were often held at Dora's Park Avenue apartment.



Roy would leave a note at night: "Wake me up at ten o'clock " This was 1959. One morning Nixon called. Dora picked up the phone at a quarter of ten. He said, "Hello, is Roy there?" She said, "Who's calling, please?" He said, "This is Vice President Nixon." And she said, "Could you call him back in fifteen minutes?" He said "Well, I'm at the airport and I'm getting a plane to Washington." She said, "I suggest you call him when you get to Washington." 
- Neil Walsh, 
a childhood friend of Cohn's.



Roy never fussed over anyone the way his mother had fussed over him. But that summer on the Cape, there was a tenderness in the way he helped Russell Eldridge down to the beach. His neighbors next door were struck by his solicitude--markedly different from the pro forma, stylized gestures they were familiar with. For example, Roy asked them to give a dinner party for TV personality Barbara Walters, his friend for 30 years. In the 1950s the two had dated (Roy even said they'd been engaged). Now, visiting the Cape, Barbara was bored and without inner resources, according to Roy. So he made this big, ostentatious entertainment gesture and afterward sent the hosts flowers. But what he did for Russell was private, done for Russell alone.



Russell died in January 1985. Roy and Peter and Ed Gillis, another friend, were in Florida at the time. They flew back the next day, and at dinner that night Gillis said, "Roy didn't cry, and he wasn't about to cry. He was angry but very reserved in his anger, and maybe he just cursed the disease and talked about how he had been trying to get somebody in the Office of Management and Budget to increase funding for research."



The politicians of the gay community held it against Roy, when he was stricken, for not facing the lenses, telling the world he had the disease and campaigning for money for research. Apparently Cohn didn't use his power or his contacts to help when he was uniquely positioned to do so. But Peter Fraser is certain Roy worked behind the scenes. "While this [his illness] was going on," Fraser says, "Roy made a call and got a large amount of money-many millions of dollars. Of course, he would never tell anyone he had done it."



Roy decreed that there should be a memorial service for Russell in the town house on East 68th Street, the moldering old building in Manhattan where Cohn lived and kept his law offices. There was a controversy over whether the casket should be open or closed. Before it was resolved, Roy had a screaming fit about the undertaker, swearing he'd have the man's license pulled.



The large second-floor living room where Roy had his caviar-and-champagne parties was so crowded that some people had to stand in the hall. Roy, with that marvelous memory still working for him, recited a poem by Omar Khayyam that he said had been his father's favorite. Russell Eldridge was dead, and now Roy was facing the last full year of his own life.



During the Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, Cohn was testifying on the stand and he used the moment to pay tribute to Tailgunner Joe [McCarthy]. 

Afterward we were standing outside the Senate Caucus Room when we were approached by a little old lady. And she really was just that. This tiny little woman with white hair, wearing tennis shoes, with tears coming from her eyes. 

"Oh, Mr. Cohn, " she said "I just couldn't believe your wonderful tribute to the senator. It meant so much to me. " 
Cohn turned to me--although she was standing right there--with that cold look he had. "I almost believed it myself " he said. 

She looked like she had been hit with a whip, and l said to him: "You dirty SOB."


- Historian William Manchester 



People would put the question to Roy, but the only ones who knew for certain that Cohn had AIDS were Peter Fraser and law partner Tom Bolan. Robert Blecker recalls going to see Cohn at his small stone house in Greenwich, Conn., a charming place in a glen by the side of a fast-running brook. 

Blecker, a New York Law School professor, had ghost-written one of Roy's books. "We talked a lot about life and the meaning of it, and his illness," Blecker says. "I asked Roy, 'You don't have AIDS, do you?' And he said, 'Oh, God, no! If I had AIDS, I would have thrown myself out the window of the hospital. I have liver cancer. There would be no reason to stick around and live if I had AIDS.' He was denying it to somebody who knew he was gay--with whom he was open about being gay--and who knew he was very sick."



For as long as he could, as hard as he could, Roy forced himself to carry on his normal life. He lunched, he partied, he water-skied, he traveled. He kept the telephone in his ear; he kept moving in business, politics, deal making and even in sex. And he continued to practice what one colleague called his "other perversion "--publicity.



New York lawyer Roy Cohn is flanked by U.S. Information Agency Director Charles Wick and Sen. Chic Hecht (R.-Nev.) after Cohn received the Americanism Award at a Washington reception over the weekend. President Reagan congratulated Cohn via video. 


- The New York Post March 1985



Peter Fraser had been delighted to meet the President when Roy took him to dinner at the White House a few years before. Peter traveled as Cohn's "office manager." "We went into a small room," Fraser recalls. "Several people were milling there. Roy said, 'Why don't you come meet a friend of mine?' As I was walking over, I scuffed my shoe and the sole came off. I was dragging my foot so I wouldn't go flop-flop, and Roy said, 'I want you to meet the President and Mrs. Reagan.' The President was very warm. He was probably so nice to me because he thought I was handicapped. This poor boy dragging his foot."



Peter and Roy were a complementary pair--Roy from the grand world and Peter from a distant rural one. He had grown up on a farm in New Zealand. The name Roy Cohn didn't evoke in Peter what it did in Americans. "People would ask me how could I be associated with somebody who did all these awful things in the 1950s," he says. "I don't know about any of that."


"Once, at a lunch given by [New York socialite] C.Z. Guest, he introduced me as Sir Peter Fraser. I thought: Oh, God! What are you doing? The next day it was in the Eugenia Sheppard column. She wrote about who came to C.Z.'s for lunch--Peter Fraser, the Prime Minister of New Zealand."


Roy liked to play games with his friends in the gossip columns, and not always nice ones. A lawyer closely associated with Roy in the 1960s remembers, "He once let something happen in a column, something like, 'Rumors are circulating that Roy Cohn may be tying the knot with So-and-so.' Miss So-and-so would be calling the office to talk to him because she didn't know anything about it. He'd dodge her. His secretary would say, 'So-and-so is calling. She's called four times this morning. She wants to know about the Jack O'Brian column.' He'd say, 'Tell her I'll talk to her tomorrow. I gotta run.' And it was he who planted the item!"



In the early 1950s my wife and I lived in a small one-room apartment on West 70th Street, and we had Roy to dinner. I had known Roy since we went to high school together. I remember Roy came in and said, "Can I use the telephone?" He dialed the operator and said so we could hear it "Get me Walter Winchell at the Boca Raton Hotel in Boca Raton, Florida. "He got Winchell on the phone, and he proceeded to plot out with Winchell how to do something nasty to Jimmy Wechsler. James Wechsler had been a young Communist, but by then he was a columnist on the New York Post, or perhaps even the editor, and had long since given that up. And here was Roy Cohn saying, "Now, Walter, we could play this up, and we could do that, "and listening to this thing, I should have said, if I had had any guts, "Roy, that's outrageous", please leave. "But I didn't." 
- Anthony Lewis, 
columnist for The New York Times



Roy wanted to do everything and go everywhere one more time. Half his life he had spent traveling. He could never stay still, he didn't have the attention span for it, so in the summer of 1985 he took off for Monte Carlo. When he got back, he took off in the August heat for Israel with Peter and two Republican senators, Jesse Helms from North Carolina and Chic Hecht, a backbencher from Nevada who was devoted to Roy. The Israeli military took their important guests off on automobile and airplane tours; they kept moving until eight o'clock in the evening.



All the while Roy was taking shots of Interferon, which, says Peter, not only was sapping his body but, worse, was affecting Roy's mind. "It wasn't so much a dementia, it was more disorientation and confusion. Sometimes he would all of a sudden realize he'd said something totally wacky." This would panic Roy, and then depress him, because the one thing he'd always prided himself on was his intellect, being fast on his feet. "How he ever struggled through that trip..." marvels Tom Bolan. "When he came back, he had had it."



With his old friends, Roy no longer had the self-mastery to hide his trouble. Barbara Walters recalls an emotional lunch they had in a restaurant when he returned from Israel. As the tears ran down his face, she tried to distract him with news and bits of gossip.

Afterward she told friends that if his cancer was a judgment from God, then Roy Cohn had been punished enough.



He was engaged at one time to Barbara Walters and his mother broke that up. Dora used to call me and say, "Have you seen him out with 'that girl'?" She'd say, "I'm not mentioning the name." I'd say, "Then don't ask me. "Barbara took it long enough, and I guess Roy realized it wouldn't work out. 
- Mrs. George Sokolsky, 
widow of the Hearst newspaper columnist of the 1950s



By the fall of '85 Roy was having trouble breathing and was suffering from short-term memory loss. The Roy Cohn barter-and-swap exchange, specializing in deals, favors and reciprocities of all kinds, was in abeyance. When Si Newhouse's son Sam wanted the impossible--a berth for his yacht at the East 23rd Street marina--the chore fell to one of Roy's law partners, Stanley Friedman. 

(Friedman was later to be convicted on unrelated corruption charges.) For 40 years Roy had been taking care of the Newhouses, billionaire owners of newspapers and magazines, and for 40 years the Newhouses had been taking care of Roy. No longer.

In early November he went to Bethesda, Md., outside Washington, for treatment at the National Institutes of Health Clinical Center. 

He used his clout to get to the head of the line for AZT, then an experimental drug. But as he began his long dying, Cohn lost control over the image he had always projected of himself. Ambitious reporters, greedy people, old enemies began to move in on his secrets. "Roy Cohn Reported on Verge of Death," blared the New York Daily News, the city's largest-circulation paper. The little Chelsea Clinton News headlined, "Cohn Has AIDS?" and then answered its own question: "Roy Cohn, reported in the Daily News and The New York Times as having liver cancer, is being treated by Dr. Bijan Safai, whose field of expertise is Kaposi's sarcoma, a form of AIDS."

[K.S. is NOT a "form of AIDS."

K.S. is K.S.

K.S. is a Cancer, spread by oncovirus.]



The deathwatch was on. Michelle Golden, a young real estate dealer and daughter of a powerful Brooklyn politician, calculated the commercial opportunities. She began calling Roy's law firm in hopes of getting the listing for the town house on 68th Street. It would sell for millions, and so Golden persisted, phoning seven times and meeting twice with Stanley Friedman about future dispositions of property. Roy would have appreciated her grasping hand.



Cohn responded to the AZT. But the files hint at a not wholly cooperative patient: 


[How were Life Magazine able to publish excerpts from Cohn's Medical records?

This is highly illegal.

I think we know the answer.] 

"… Reinforce need for celibate state … Caution against spread of disease … Pat [patient] stated somewhat reluctant to become celibate…" On the other hand, "Patient asked for information on sexual practices. I [an unnamed doctor] stated that the safest sex was none but if he wanted to have sex, he would need to use condoms and especially inform his partner that he had AIDS."



Roy wasn't confined to the hospital. Once he went to downtown Washington for lunch, and he made sure the event found its way into the gossip columns. There was a fighting, in-character quote: "I'm recovering faster and better than anyone anticipated. Those people who have had me at death's door may be surprised to see Roy Cohn leaving his deathbed to have lunch at the posh Madison Hotel in Washington.”



Peter Fraser, however, remembers the bouts of dementia. "He would say things like, “The six senators who were here this afternoon--I'm going to talk to them, and you are all going to be sorry. That wasn't Roy, it was the disease."



Peter goes on: "Once I woke up, hearing him, and asked, 'Roy, what's wrong?' This was the one time he reacted negatively to me. He said, 'You! You tried to kill me. Get out!' It wasn't until about seven a.m.-- we were up all night with the doctors, talking to him--that he was finally convinced I hadn't tried to kill him and that I was his friend." They would celebrate Thanksgiving six times because Roy couldn't remember eating the turkey.



After three weeks of treatments, Cohn was discharged on November 23. Telegrams came. "I just learned that you are being sent home from the hospital," read one. "Nancy and I are keeping you in our thoughts and prayers. May our Lord bless you with courage and strength. Take care and know that you have our concern. Ronald Reagan." During the last months, there was a succession of such messages. Each one was framed and hung in the den of the house in Greenwich.

In Palm Beach before Christmas, Roy told Lois Romano of the Washington Post that his liver cancer was in remission. But he confessed to musing about his funeral. "I've envisioned who would be strong enough to give the eulogy," he said. "I've even imagined White House meetings, with them trying to decide whether the President or Mrs. Reagan would attend. [I've imagined] what this senator said, what that senator said. It was really as though I had passed away and I was back on the scene from some place above or below."


In March 1986, looking awful, Roy was interviewed on "60 Minutes." Mike Wallace put it to him: Are you now or have you ever been a homosexual? Ditto with AIDS. 

Roy fought it off the best he could: "I'll tell you categorically, I do not have AIDS." 

Well, then how did all this talk about you get started? "Oh, it's a cinch, Mike. Take this set of facts: bachelor, unmarried, middle-aged--well, young middle-aged. The stories go back to the [McCarthy] days."


At home he talked about suicide. He would use his store of Valium and sleeping pills, he told Peter. "One night I woke up," Fraser says, "and I heard the rattling of the pills and the bottles. Roy was out of bed going through his medicine bag, trying to open bottles that he could never open, because they're all childproof."


"What are you doing?" Peter wanted to know.


"I'm trying to get enough pills to finish it," Roy told him.


“O.K.”


"I can't get the damn bottle open .... Open it."


"No," Peter said, "you open it, and if you can't, go back to bed." Roy threw the bottles down and went back to bed.


As attached as he was to Peter, Roy still kept in contact with other boyfriends. Peter says, "Of course, I used to get extremely jealous. He would fly Mark in every couple of months from San Francisco. He would always try to keep it secret, and I would always find out. Roy used to think I had a spy. I'd see the tickets being delivered to the office, or I'd see a bill from the travel agent, and I'd make Roy's life miserable."


"What's he coming in for?" Peter would demand.


"I'm dying, goddamit! "Roy would shout back. "It may be the last time I see him."


"You said that the last four times!"


The New York Bar Association had begun disbarment proceedings against Cohn. He was charged with unethical conduct in four old cases he'd handled. One of Roy's defense team remembers that rather than slipping discreetly into the closed hearing room that spring, Roy would tool down Fifth Avenue in a red Cadillac, top down, and swagger into the NYBA offices. In federal trials in 1964, 1969 and 1971 Roy had been acquitted on a variety of more serious charges. But this time his enemies prevailed. Peter Fraser was with Roy in Greenwich when he got the news in June that he was a lawyer no more.


"I had been taking all his calls and making all his calls for him," says Peter. "But he happened to be by the phone as it rang. He picked it up and it was [TV reporter] Gabe Pressman, asking if Roy had any comment on his disbarment.


Of course Roy said, 'I couldn't care less.' Then he went up to his room. He talked to Tom Bolan and cried, and from that day on I had to force him to eat. He just wouldn't eat."


In July, instead of taking off for Provincetown as he'd always done, Roy went to the hospital again in Maryland, his last trip. Shortly before he left, a friend going away on vacation popped in, and Roy told him, "I don't think I'll be here when you come back, so goodbye."


In New York it was common knowledge that Roy was hospitalized again. Among those gays who'd made the disco scene in the last wild years before the plague, there were remarks to the effect that if anybody would get the infection, it would have to be Roy M. Cohn, such was his behavior. One man, seized with a hatred of operatic proportions, went around Greenwich Village boasting that he had arranged to put Roy together with an infected lover. The story was malarkey, but it showed the depth of Roy's still unforgiven crimes.


During the last few weeks of Cohn's life a Jack Anderson--Dale Van Atta column publicized inside information about his AZT treatments and his ghastly suffering. The two journalists were attacked for breaking the seal of medical secrecy, and the NIH let it be known that prosecution was not out of the question, thereby certifying the story.


If he had been able to add his voice to the quarreling about this last shot of publicity, doubtless Roy would have come down against Anderson, whom he'd broken with long ago. However, before falling sick, Roy had told a friend that at the beginning of the Nixon-McGovern campaign of 1972, it was he who had arranged for Senator Thomas Eagleton's medical history to be made public. 

The news that the Democratic candidate for Vice-President had once been treated with electroshock therapy for depression forced Eagleton off the ticket. Of course, Roy didn't do everything he said he did. He liked to take credit for other men's villainies when he could.


At about six in the morning, before the August heat could build, death finally stilled him. Roy in his hospital bed gasped his last, and Peter was there holding his hand. Some 400 or more came to the memorial service in October, including Senator Hecht, but not the President and First Lady. It must have been a prickly problem for the Reagans, who practiced the politics of propriety with the same unyielding rigidity as Roy had. Perhaps on account of their show business background, the Reagans have a history of personal tolerance toward homosexuals. Several worked on his gubernatorial staff in California until a scandal forced their resignations. Yet during all these years, Ronald Reagan, like Roy himself, has never supported gay rights legislation. In his casket Roy wore a tie bearing the President's name.






March 21, 1988.


June 6, 1982

SMOM, (Sovereign Military Order of Malta), 
The Vatican Military, 

CIA/Nazi connections. 
William Clark, NSC, 

Avery Dulles-Bormann, 
Roy Cohn-Mossad, 
Cardinal Spellman-Cooke, 
William R. Grace. J. Peter Grace. 

The Romanian Iron Guard, 
Radio Free Europe, 

Helene Von Damm, Reagan's Appointment's Secretary

Thursday 18 July 2013

The Assassination of JFK Jr.




When John F. Kennedy, Jr. died in the crash of a private plane in July of 1999, media pundits ruminated at length about the recklessness of the Kennedys and "the Kennedy curse". This program explores the striking contradictions between the official version of JFK, Jr.'s death and the facts concerning his demise. The available data suggest that JFK, Jr. may have been the victim of foul play.




The program consists of an interview with veteran journalist John Bryan, who worked for the San Francisco Examiner (among other papers). John's experience with the Examiner led him to begin questioning the official version of the story. Familiar with the Examiner's weekend publishing practices, John became convinced that the Examiner (for whatever reason) was deliberately withholding the story. (Kennedy's plane crashed on a Friday evening.) Sensing a possible cover-up, Bryan religiously combed the print and electronic media for the truth about the deaths of Kennedy, his wife and sister-in-law.

Beginning with discussion of Kyle Brady (a veteran pilot who flew from the same airport Kennedy departed from), Bryan relates Brady's observation that JFK, Jr.'s preflight actions indicated that Kennedy seemed to feel that something was wrong with the plane.

Next, Bryan discusses the reality of the conditions around Martha's Vineyard at the time of Kennedy's disappearance. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday" distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy's plane approaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the "radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.)

Mr. Bryan also reports eyewitness reports of seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's plane disappeared. Most importantly, John recounts numerous observations by media political pundits that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or, more likely, the Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the election of 2000. His death eliminated that possibility. 

In addition, Mr. Bryan discusses the extraordinary secrecy that surrounded the retrieval and disposal of the plane's wreckage and the bodies of the deceased. 

Reporters were not allowed to view the wreckage or the autopsy. 
No autopsy photographs were taken, in direct contravention of Massachusetts law. The bodies were cremated within 10 hours of discovery and buried at sea. 

John points out that the Kennedys are Catholic and Catholics traditionally bury their dead.

Cremation was completely forbidden by the Catholic Church until 1963, and since then only under certain extraordinary circumstances. 

Scattering ashes at sea is strictly forbidden. 

Bryan questions this extraordinary secrecy and departure from accepted procedure and points out that the tail section of the plane appears to have disappeared.

The discussion features several observations by Mr. Emory, including the fact that the Kennedy assassination was back on the political front burner after Boris Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent). 

Mr. Emory also points out that the Kennedy assassination was part of a lawsuit that was proceeding through the courts in 1999.

The program concludes with a reading of the obituary of Anthony Stanislaus Radziwill, JFK, Jr.'s best friend. (They were best men at each others weddings.) Radziwill died of cancer about three weeks after the death of Kennedy. (The intelligence community has been able to assassinate people via cancer for decades.) 

A broadcast journalist, Radziwill had covered the O.J. Simpson case and had received a Peabody award for his work on the emergence of "neo"-Nazism in America. (There are numerous evidentiary tributaries between the O.J. Simpson case and the intelligence community, including the Kennedy assassination. The killing of Ron Goldman and Nicole Brown Simpson appears to have been the work of Nazi elements.



"John Hankey is a long-time investigator who has focused much of his attention on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 and produced a documentary setting forth his views on that event: JFK II: The Bush Connection.


Hankey has also turned his attention to the death of John F. Kennedy, Jr. in a plane crash off the coast of Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts on Friday, July 16, 1999. Hankey has produced a 104-minute DVD documentary entitled The Assassination of John F. Kennedy, Jr. 


According to the widely accepted explanation, Kennedy was a reckless pilot whose died because of his own carelessness. But Hankey shows that Kennedy was actually a careful pilot who was most likely the victim of foul play. Persons who are interested in the death of John Kennedy, Jr should watch Hankey's documentary, the basic outline of which I shall summarize here. 


Hankey takes as his point of departure two overlooked pieces of evidence in the official report that the National Transportation Safety Board published one year after the crash. 


First, the radar data describing the path of Kennedy's plane showed that just as Kennedy was making his final approach to the Martha's Vineyard Airport, his plane, in the absence of any explosion or engine malfunction, suddenly plunged headfirst into the ocean, falling 2500 feet in 45 seconds. 


Secondly, the fuel selector valve on Kennedy's plane was found to have been turned to the off position. 


The bizarreness of Kennedy's sudden dive into the ocean is obvious, but the equally bizarre fact that the fuel selector valve had been turned off requires an explanation that the official NTSB report did not provide. 

The fuel selector valve has two functions, one a pilot uses frequently and the other infrequently. 


The first and frequently used function is to tell the engine from which fuel tank to draw its fuel. Kennedy's airplane contained two 51-gallon fuel tanks, one in the right wing and the other in the left wing. 

Inasmuch as fuel is heavy, if the engine uses fuel from only one of the two wings, that wing becomes much lighter than the other wing and the airplane as a whole becomes lopsided. 


To avoid this unsafe weight distribution, a pilot sees to it that as his engine burns fuel, each tank still has approximately the same amount of fuel as the other tank. He does this by moving the switch on the fuel selector valve back and forth between the right tank and the left tank during the course of a flight. 


The second and much less frequently used function of the fuel selector valve is to cut off all fuel to the engine from both tanks. 


It is obvious that a pilot would not ordinarily want to do this in the course of a flight, as it would shut down the engine, but he might have to do it if the engine caught fire. 


By turning the fuel selector valve to the off position and cutting off the flow of inflammable fuel to the engine, a pilot could see to it that the fire burned itself out. A fuel selector valve is constructed in such a way as to prevent a pilot's turning it off by mistake. 


Whoever turned the fuel selector valve off on Kennedy's plane knew what he was doing and did so deliberately. 


The fact that Kennedy's airplane inexplicably dove straight into the ocean together with the fact that somebody turned off the fuel selector valve suggests that someone aboard Kennedy's plane committed suicide. 


Whoever he was, he probably first grabbed the controls and forced the airplane into a headfirst dive at 200 mph. He next turned the fuel selector valve off, not to force any engine fire to burn itself out, as indeed there was no fire, but to make it impossible for anyone else on board to correct the situation. 


With all fuel cut off, the engine stopped working. Without a working engine, no one could redirect the aircraft in time to prevent a crash. 


This scenario may seem fantastic until we realize that only about 100 days later and only about 50 miles away from the site of Kennedy's crash, this is precisely what happened aboard Egypt Air Flight 990. 


On October 31, 1999, not long after takeoff from JFK Airport in New York City, Gamil al-Batouti, a member of the Egyptian Air flight crew with no apparent reason to commit suicide, suddenly forced the Egyptian Air Boeing 757 jet into a headfirst dive and then turned off the fuel selector valve. 


The plane crashed helplessly into the ocean, taking over 200 passengers, including many Egyptian military officers, to their deaths."




American investigators of a plane crash that killed 217 people last year are wrapping up their inquiry and may approve their conclusions without public hearings for fear of exacerbating strained relations with Egypt.

According to the New York Times, experts at the National Transportation Safety Board are more convinced than ever that a suicidal pilot caused the crash of EgyptAir 990 after it left New York last October.

But the Egyptian government is pressing the theory that the plane, a Boeing 767, developed a mechanical fault in its tail.

According to the paper, some of the US investigators are frustrated that the inquiry, which the Egyptian government delegated to the US, has not been completed. One said that in investigations of domestic crashes, each party has a "constituency" because each represents the airline, or the plane manufacturer, but, he added, "usually you want to solve it".

The investigators still believe that the words of the plane's 59-year-old co-pilot on the cockpit voice recorder were those of a man saying a farewell prayer. As the aircraft was heading for the Atlantic, 50 miles off Nantucket Island, Gamil al-Batouti said: "Tawakilt ala Allah" or "I put my faith in God". Then the captain, Ahmed al-Habashi, who is thought to have left the cockpit, returned to say "pull up" or "help me".

Egyptians say that the Americans misunderstood the co-pilot's words, a Muslim prayer. "This prayer would never be said in times of crisis," said a spokesman for the Egyptian government. "It's definitely not to be said by someone who is going to commit suicide because suicide is against Islam."

Frank Wisner, the former US ambassador to Cairo, said: "Egypt has one of the lowest suicide rates in the world. They are not a suicidal people. Egyptian expressions are constantly interposed with communications to the almighty."

But investigators say there is more to support suicide as a motive: 

the flight data recorder does not suggest mechanical failure; 
during the plane's dive someone turned off the engines contrary to any emergency routines; 

and 

at the end of the dive the plane's elevators were pointing in opposite directions, as though the pilot and co-pilot were struggling with each other for control.

The NTSB investigators are thought to have informally rejected the Egyptian theory of mechanical failure. Egyptians "don't care about solving it, they want to cover themselves", said one.

The Federal Aviation Authority has not yet decided on a request from the Egyptian Civil Aviation Authority to examine a suspect tail part. The Egyptians are working with a team of experts who once worked for the FAA and the safety board.

They say that the disaster might have been caused by a fault in the elevator panels mounted on the Boeing's tail and which point the nose up or down. The panels are controlled by six actuators, four of which have been recovered from the sea.

One of these shows signs of malfunction. If another be haved in the same way, the aircraft's nose would have gone down, say the Egyptians.

But the Americans contend that the marks of failure could have been caused by impact with the ocean and that, in any case, the crew could have rescued the plane even if two actuators did fail.




Family and friends of the EgyptAir co-pilot Gameel al-Batouty, who US investigators suspect may have deliberately brought down flight 990 to commit suicide, rallied yesterday to defend his reputation, painting a picture of a pious, wealthy man who loved his family and five children.

Policemen outside the Batouty home in the affluent Cairo district of Heliopolis are turning away scores of reporters seeking information on his background or any evidence of suicidal tendencies.

Omayma Dahi, Batouty's wife, was pictured in local newspapers yesterday, dressed in black and weeping. She vehemently denied that her husband, who was 59, could have been responsible for the October 31 crash, or had wanted to commit suicide.

"I want to meet President Hosni Mubarak and seek his help to restore the dignity of my dead husband and attempts to distort his image," she told Egypt's government-owned daily Al-Messa. "As if it is not enough that my children became orphans and that my house has been destroyed."

Mohammed al-Batouty, one of the co-pilot's three sons and a policeman, said: "It is impossible that my father would carry out such an act [suicide], because this is a crime that contradicts all religious principles he strongly believed in."

Another son, Karim al-Batouty, a student, said his father had made the pilgrimage to Mecca three times. He said he had worked on the Cairo-Los Angeles route for 14 years, flying Boeing 767s for 10 years.

Mohammed said he had last spoken to his father two days before the crash. "He sounded good and hopeful and asked me to wait for him with my brother at the airport. He also told me he had sent a number of things I asked for with a friend who arrived a day earlier. Then, he spoke to my mother and asked her to cook him a duck for dinner the day he was due to arrive because he liked that meal."

He denied press reports that his father was depressed before his last flight to New York. He said a few days before, the family had spent a week at an Egyptian seaside resort.

Batouty was an air force pilot from 1967 to 1973 and took part in two wars with Israel.

He became an instructor at the civil aviation institute, teaching many EgyptAir pilots, and was known with respect as "captain". He never held that rank, however - a fact some found odd given the length of his career. According to EgyptAir, he had more than 12,000 hours of flying time, 5,000 of them on the Boeing 767.

One colleague described Batouty as a "son of the soil" - a phrase suggesting reliability.

Batouty's family said his financial position was "very reasonable", as he had inherited agricultural land from his father and owned two houses.

An EgyptAir official said the monthly salary of a pilot months away from mandatory retirement, such as Batouty, would be $10,000 (£6,400). The average Egyptian graduate earns $100 a month.

Batouty's wife also said that her husband was very attached to his younger daughter Ayah, 10, who suffers from the auto-immune disorder lupus erythematosus. She said her husband took Ayah regularly to the United States for treatment. His other daughter, Sally, is happily married to an engineer, she added.

News agencies quoting US officials who listened to the flight's voice recorder said Batouty's voice was identified as saying in Arabic: "I made my decision now. I put my faith in God's hands." Seconds later the autopilot was disengaged and the plane started a steep dive into the Atlantic.

Other reports said Batouty uttered the shahada - an Islamic declaration of faith in times of danger.

Many Egyptians were dismayed yesterday by what they saw as an assumption of a terrorist link. US officials say investigations on Batouty and his fellow crew turned up no links with militant groups.

EgyptAir announced yesterday that it was changing the number of its New York-Cairo direct flight from 990 to 984, after passenger cancellations.



The Railroading of James Holmes - Is it Possible to Create a Mind Controlled Robot Assassin? from Spike1138 on Vimeo.

Yes.



Lecture Series #8 - The Destabilization of the Clinton Administration




Analyzing the Clinton administration’s troubles from the standpoint of covert action, Mr. Emory spoke about the Bush faction of the intelligence community’s probable role in precipitating the scandals besetting the President. Noting that Clinton defeated George Bush (former director of the CIA and, according to one school thought, the real “power behind the throne” during the Reagan administrations), Mr. Emory discusses a number of evidentiary tributaries connecting Clinton’s misfortunes with the world of “black-ops.”
In particular, many intelligence-connected elements in the Clinton scandals overlap the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate scandals. Shortly after George Bush was subpoenaed to testify in the trial of Chrisopher Drogoul (the central figure in the BNL/Iraqgate affair), Vince Foster was found dead. (Mr. Emory is skeptical of the “suicide” verdict in Foster’s death, but considers it probable that, if Foster was murdered, the Bush faction was the most probable author of the crime. Foster’s death may have been a signal to Clinton. Mr. Emory believes allegations that Bill Clinton was the author of the deaths of Vince Foster and others of his associates, to be preposterous.)
The last person to see Vince Foster alive was Linda Tripp, who served him lunch. (A blonde, female hair was found on Foster’s body. Right-wing conspiracy theorists have posited that it was Hillary Clinton’s. Few have considered the possibility that it may have belonged to Tripp.) A Bush administration appointee, Tripp (who, with the aid of Lucy Goldberg, precipitated the Lewinsky imbroglio) had a high security clearance, having worked for the Army’s Secret Intelligence Command at Fort Meade and for the Delta Force at Fort Bragg, N.C. (Note that the Delta Force functions in a counter-terrorist capacity. “Counter-terrorism” is the rubric under which the Bush private intelligence networks operated.)
One of the central elements of discussion involves the Bush administration officials’ decisive presence on-site in Waco. Associated with an inter-agency network administered by then Vice-President (and former CIA director) George Bush, these officials were from the Justice Department and FBI. Having chaired the Vice-President’s Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, Bush oversaw and implemented recommendations issueing from the Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision Directives, Bush was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons describe as “His (Bush’s) own private spy agency,” and “a White House within the White House.”
Ostensibly created to provide a rapid, prophylactic response to “international terrorism,” these networks became the primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated, illegal, and treasonous Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes. Far from being “out of the loop,” as he claimed, George Bush was the primary player in both affairs. His “private spy agency” was the most significant element in their administration. Mr. Emory sets forth the participation in the Waco affair of Justice Department officials, who had previously been involved in retarding investigations into criminal operations that were part of the Iran-Contra and BNL (Iraqgate) affairs. Allegedly involved with the Branch Davidian siege was Mark Richard, a long-time Justice Department official whose career has involved overseeing investigations into the intelligence community. Mr. Emory analyzes Richard’s involvement with frustrating the investigation into some of the drug-related, Iran-Contra shennanigans, as well as the BNL affair. (The arming of Iraq and Hussein’s resulting military power were accomplished, in considerable measure, through an illegal covert operation centered on the Atlanta branch of the BNL, a major Italian commercial bank.) Working with Richard in diverting the BNL investigation, was Ed Dennis, who wrote the final report on the Branch Davidian siege and exonerated the Justice Department of any wrongdoing in the affair. Janet Reno concluded an investigation into BNL that,in turn exonerated the Reagan and Bush administrations of criminal wrongdoing in that affair. Conservative New York Times columnist William Safire referred to this as “one hand whitewashing the other.”
The discussion also highlights former FBI official Jack Revell, and other Bureau pesonnel, and their involvment in the Iran-Contra cover-up. Revell was the chief spokesperson for the Branch Davidian operation. Veteran Washington reporter Sarah MacClendon has reported that Justice Department official Richard Scruggs overlaps the Waco and Iraqgate affairs. The possibility that the Waco operation may have been deliberately conducted, in order to discredit and de-stabilize the Clinton administration and to help obfuscate the Iraqgate affair, is not one that should be too readily cast aside.
The lecture briefly examines the martial law contingency plans which, like the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate affairs, had their genesis with the recommendations stemming from the Vice-President’s Task Force. These plans called for the deputization of para-military right-wingers as federal agents, in the event of the declaration of martial law. Mr. Emory notes that the Waco incident has served to help coalesce the militia movement, creating the very para-military formations that could be utilized in a fascist takeover. Another central element of discussion focuses on a possible link between then Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, the Republican Party, and a right-wing element of the Mossad (the Israeli Secret Service.) Mr. Emory notes that Lewinsky counsel Ginsburg’s stated that Lewinsky’s support for the President was reinforced by Clinton’s support for Israel. The discussion underscores that, after Gingrich traveled to Israel to undermine American support for the peace process and Hillary repeated her support for a Palestinian state, Lewinsky switched counsel, employing lawyers involved with the defense of people in the Iran-Contra affair. Mr. Emory hypothesized that Lewinsky may have been used (perhaps without her knowledge) as a pawn by a right-wing element of the Mossad, as well as the Republicans.
Bolstering Mr. Emory’s working hypothesis about the possible Gingrich/Lewinsky/Mossad link, a 1999 book recounted an allegation that the Mossad (the Israeli intelligence service) had used wiretaps of the Lewinsky/Clinton conversations to blackmail the United States. After allegedly tapping the White House phone, the Mossad allegedly used damaging information concerning the Clinton-Lewinsky affair to deter an alleged counter-intelligence investigation of “MEGA,” an Israeli spy deep inside the White House. This charge was made in Gideon’s Spies, by Gordon Thomas. The book indicates (among other things) that Benjamin Netanyahu, was close to being indicted for incitement in connection with the assassination of his predecessor, Yitzhak Rabin.
Lecture Highlights Include: Bill Clinton’s connections to the Mena, Arkansas operations of Iran-Contra operative Barry Seal (these are seen by some analysts as compromising Clinton, even before he took office); Newt Gingrich’s use of the operating paradigm of the Wehrmacht as his functional political model; Lucy Goldberg’s role as a political spy in the McGovern campaign; Goldberg’s role as Mark Fuhrman’s literary agent; the link between the shooting outside of CIA headquarters and the Iraqgate cover-up; connections between the Afghan covert operation of the 1980’s and Sheik Rakhman (convicted in the World Trade Center Bombing); an evidentiary tributary connecting the World Trade Center bombing and the Oklahoma City bombing; the suspicious deaths of numerous figures associated with Clinton (as with Foster’s death, Mr. Emory feels that, if any or all of these deaths were unnatural, that they were intended to weaken Clinton.) (Delivered in October of 1998.)

Lecture Series #10 - The Electoral Coup of the Year 2000
(2001)






Prussian military theoretician Karl Von Clausewitz observed that "war is the continuation of politics by other means." By the same token, politics could be seen as "the continuation of war by other means." This lecture analyzes the election of the year 2000 as constituting a coup d'etat and highlights a number of different aspects of the political landscape in 1999 and 2000. The discussion details what was, in effect, a military-style operation. In that context, a number of violent actions (some of them lethal) were conducted in combination with a strategic program of political and psychological warfare. These elements can be understood in the context of a military paradigm and, together, they doomed the Gore campaign.

The talk begins with brief discussion of the destabilization of President Clinton's administration. This destabilization fractured the ranks of the Democratic Party and made it extremely difficult for Gore to politically exploit the economic success of the Clinton years.

The substantive part of the lecture begins with the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash that took his life was not an accident. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday" distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy's plane approaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the "radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility.

Mr. Emory also noted that, at the time of the death of JFK, Jr., his father's assassination was once again on the front burner. Boris Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent.) (Tabloids reported, perhaps incorrectly, that JFK, Jr. was interested in investigating his father's murder.)

The lecture highlights the phony "oil shortage" of the late 1970s against the background of the allegedly real "oil shortage" of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335.) In The Secret War Against the Jews, the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall, as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and sell weapons to Saudi Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet menace". (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony "gas shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.)

Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources) became "power behind the throne." Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices. Those rising prices destabilized the Carter administration, and persuaded Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.

The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter's defeat--the "October Surprise" of 1980. Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession of George W. Bush.

In this very close Presidential race, the small percentage of the vote garnered by Green Party candidate Ralph Nader did, as some critics had warned, prove to have decisive impact. Mr. Emory presents the Nader candidacy as constituting, in effect, one part of a "pincers movement." (This is a military strategy, in which an attacking force simultaneously strikes at both of the enemy's flanks.) The Nader candidacy pinned down the Gore campaign by attacking it from the ideological left, as Bush was attacking the Vice President from the ideological right. By limiting Gore's populist appeal and attacking his environmental record, Nader denied vital strategic ground to the Gore campaign. (More than any other mainstream politician, Gore was identified with environmental causes.) A vote for Nader was indeed a vote for Bush, particularly in Florida. (Nader got more than 90,000 votes in Florida.) Note that the "Green Movement" (although progressive for the most part) has surprising historical links with fascism.

In addition to analyzing the Nader campaign from a strategic perspective, Mr. Emory detailed some aspects of Nader's financial and professional history that have escaped popular attention. In particular, the discussion highlights the hypocritical investment policy that Ralph Nader has executed. ("How Nader Profits While He Preaches" by Jeff McMahon; bushwatch.net/nader.htm; 10/27/2000.) Nader owns up to $250,000 worth of shares of Fidelity Magellan Fund, a firm that is heavily invested in many of the corporations that Nader has been most vocal in criticizing. (Idem.) Among those firms that Fidelity invests in are Halliburton Oil, headed by Dick Cheney until shortly after his nomination as Bush's running mate. Fidelity also invests in Occidental Petroleum, a firm that has been criticized by environmentalists.

Al Gore's mother's trust owns a significant block of Occidental stock. Gore's populist credentials have been impugned by Nader Vice-Presidential candidate Winona La Duke because of that stock. (Idem.) The lecture underscores disturbing aspects of Nader's anti-labor activities, and his avoidance of social issues. Multi-millionaire Nader has fiercely resisted attempts at unionization by the underpaid employees of his organizations. ("1.75 Cheers for Ralph" by Doug Henwood; Left Business Observer; 10/1996 [#74].) Mr. Emory sets forth Nader's refusal to permit publication of CIA/corporate collusion in his Multinational Monitor (Idem.)

Another effective element of political and psychological warfare that worked against Gore was the Wen Ho Lee case. A Taiwanese American citizen who had been employed as a nuclear scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Lee was falsely charged with espionage in 1999, triggering a Republican-led congressional investigation. That investigation hinted that Lee's alleged espionage on behalf of the People's Republic of China was linked to "Chinese" campaign donations to the Clinton administration. The case garnered much journalistic attention, and cast a pall of suspicion on Asian Americans employed in sensitive national security-related jobs. Most importantly, it figured in the criticism that the Republicans directed toward the Democrats during the 2000 campaign. Al Gore's appearance at the much-ballyhooed Buddhist Temple fundraiser was utilized by the Republicans to race bait the Gore campaign by associating it with "the yellow peril."

In this lecture, Mr. Emory sets forth the details of one of the arms deals that Oliver North's Iran-Contra operatives arranged - a missile sale from the People's Republic of China to the Contras. The American-supplied Contra guerillas were looking for weapons with which to effectively combat the Sandinistas' Soviet-supplied attack helicopters. North arranged for a shipment of SA-7 surface-to-air missiles to be sent to the Contras. The documented sharing of nuclear weapons information with the PRC during the Reagan administration was characteristic of the type of quid pro quo arrangement that Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh found to be commonplace during the course of the Iran-Contra operations. Like other nations that supplied weapons to the Contras for the Reagan Administration, the Chinese expected favors in return for their efforts. Since the alleged theft of nuclear secrets took place during the Reagan and Bush years, they cannot be blamed on Clinton. The "theft" may well have been an outgrowth of the SA-7 deal.

Nonetheless, the Republicans have attempted to pin the blame on the Clinton administration, campaigning on the falsehood that the Democrats compromised American nuclear security in exchange for campaign contributions. Among the most vocal of those pinning the blame for the Lee affair on the Clinton administration was Judge James Parker, a Reagan appointee. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) The program highlights the fact that Lee and his wife had cooperated with the CIA in connection with his Chinese contacts. (San Jose Mercury News; 8/11/2000; p. 10A.) Mr. Emory also notes that Energy Secretary Bill Richardson was savaged by Judge Parker and the Republicans, and speculates about the possible use of the Lee/PRC contacts as a campaign dirty trick. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) Richardson at one time was considered a possible Vice Presidential running mate for Al Gore. In addition, the Lee case helped to discredit the Department of Energy and made it difficult for that Department to follow Clinton's directive to help hold down the price of oil. This added to the effectiveness of what Mr. Emory believes was a replay of the oil price gambit of 1979-80.

The discussion then turns to the death of Missourri Governor Mel Carnahan. The New York Times noted that the Democrats had a slim chance to retain control of the Senate. ("Democrats Have Outside Chance to Wrest Senate" by David E. Rosenbaum; New York Times; 10/16/2000; p.1.) One of the races that offered the possibility of a Democratic victory was the crucial race for the Senate seat held by John Ashcroft (R-Missouri.) (Idem.)

The day after that observation was printed, Ashcroft's Democratic opponent, Governor Mel Carnahan, was killed in the crash of a private plane. ("Governor, 2 Others Flying in Bad Weather" by Jim Salter; San Francisco Examiner; 10/17/2000; ppA-1, A-12.) An investigator noted that the wreckage was found in " very small pieces spread over a large area," more characteristic of a bomb explosion than the accidental crash of an aircraft. (Idem.) The crash came too late for the Democrats to nominate an alternative candidate. (Idem.) The lecture underscores contradictions in the official account of the tragedy. The plane was initially reported to have crashed in very bad weather and (possibly) to have been struck by lightning. (Idem.) Subsequent accounts indicate that the weather was not particularly bad for flying and that the pilot had reported gyroscope trouble. ("Doomed Plane Apparently Had Instrument Trouble" by John W. Fountain; New York Times; 10/18/2000; p. A20.)

Analysis of Carnahan's death suggested that his demise would lessen the Democrats' chances of winning control of the Senate and reduce Gore's chances of winning Missouri, a crucial swing state. ("Equation Changed by a Fatal Crash" by James Dao; New York Times; 10/18/2000; pp. A1, A20.) The state Democratic infrastructure also was pessimistic about the outcome for the Senate race. ("Governor Mourned as Public Servant" by Stephanie Simon; San Jose Mercury News; 10/18/2000; p. 15A.) One should not fail to note the superficial similarity to the death of John F. Kennedy Jr. Although Ashcroft's widow took his seat when he was posthumously elected, Bush carried Missourri (a key swing state.) The role of Carnahan's death in this campaign should not be discounted. Note, also, that John Ashcroft became Attorney General in the Bush administration and presided over the implementation of many of the draconian, unconstitutional legal revisions instituted by Dubya.

As discussed above, the "oil shortage" of 1979-80 combined with the humiliation of the United States at the hands of Islamic fundamentalists in Iran to assure Jimmy Carter's election defeat. An "oil shortage" and "Middle Eastern terrorism" were front and center during the 2000 campaign, as well. Tensions in the Middle East were heightened by the bomb attack on the destroyer U.S.S. Cole. Al Qaeda and the combatants of Osama bin Laden were behind the attack. ("U.S. Says Yemen Attackers Used Inside Information" by David A. Vise and Vernon Loeb; San Francisco Chronicle; 10/13/2000; p. A6.) The lecture reviews information about the probable role of the Bin Laden family in supplying a portion of the investment capital that was used to establish George W. Bush's first oil company. The possibility that petroleum-related elements of U.S. intelligence and what Mr. Emory calls "the Underground Reich" may have been behind the attack on the Cole should not be too readily cast aside.

The attack was used by the Bush campaign to attack the Democrats. Once again, Mr. Emory underscored the significance of the increase in oil prices for the economy, the stock market and the Gore campaign. Oil price increases have historically led to recessions and a falling Dow Jones Industrial average and, during Presidential election years, this has led to the incumbent being voted out of office. ("Can Al Gore Survive Rising Oil Prices and Falling Stocks?" by Floyd Norris; New York Times; 9/22/2000; p. C1.) Once again, the fact that Dubya's father was the head of the CIA and the presence in the political process of elements intimately involved with the Agency's covert operations establishment is not to be overlooked.

Much of the lecture sets forth information about the role in the 2000 electoral coup played by the CIA-linked, anti-Castro Cuban milieu in Florida. The angry crowd that menaced (and consequently affected) the Miami-Dade election officials was summoned by Radio Mambi, closely connected to the Anti-Castro Cuban community in Miami. ("Miami's Cuban Americans May Get the Last Word" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000.) The political milieu that generated the furor over Elian Gonzalez is identical to that involved with intimidating the Miami election officials, and has historical links to the Bush faction of the CIA. (Idem.)

Highlighting these connections in more detail, the discussion highlights the role of the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) and its founder Jorge Mas Canosa in setting up Radio Mambi. ("Miami-Dade ReversalĂƒ·A Cuban terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000.) Mr. Emory relates informed speculation that the CIA (under William Casey) precipitated the founding of CANF in 1981. (Idem.) Two of Mas Canosa's proteges in CANF were the brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo, both implicated in the assassination of former Chilean Ambassador Orlando Letelier. (Idem.) The elder George Bush was closely connected to this milieu, and deflected inquiries into the Letelier assassination that led in the direction of the CIA supported coup in Chile. (Idem.)

The broadcast also details the connections of this milieu to Cuban-Americans involved in the Contra support effort in the 1980's. (Idem.) Next, the discussion illuminates the role of a Cuban-American splinter group (Vigilia Mambisa) in the agitation that forced the halting of the recount. (Unpublished update by Professor Scott to "Miami's Cuban Americans May Get the Last Word" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000; made available to Mr. Emory by a kind listener.)

The talk also sets forth links between Florida Governor Jeb Bush, the CANF milieu, the Contra support effort, and the failure of the Broward Federal Savings & Loan Association. (Unpublished update by Professor Scott to "Miami-Dade ReversalĂƒ·A Cuban terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000.)

An "ex" CIA officer (Charles Kane) allegedly participated in a scheme to deliver some of the fraudulent absentee ballots that helped tip Florida to Bush. ("Absentee Ballot Fraud in 5 Florida Counties" by David E. Scheim; Associated Press; 12/7/2000; at http://www.campaignwatch.org.) The lecture highlighted the deliberate and fraudulent exclusion of African American voters in Florida was discussed. Many of them were labeled as "felons" and consequently prevented from voting.

In addition, it turns out that the head of the political desk at Fox News (who led the media stampede to reassign Florida from Gore to Bush) was Jeb and "W's" cousin John Ellis. ("One More election Embarrassment for the Press: Bush Cousin" by Tom Rosenstiel; The Los Angeles Times; 11/15/2000; p. B9.) Ellis was in close telephone contact with Jeb and "W" on election night, apparently feeding them political intelligence on the election. ("News Executive Called Races, and Bush" by Bill Carter; The New York Times; 11/14/2000; p. A17.) Ellis' call led the media charge to reverse the call of Florida as being won by Gore. This was critical to Bush's success, because it created the impression that Gore was a "sore loser" and facilitated the capitulation of the Democrats. The lecture also points out that Theodore Olson, the new Solicitor General, was one of the lead attorneys for the Bush campaign in Florida. (The Solicitor General is often referred to as "the tenth Supreme Court Justice.")

Olson was heavily involved in the campaign to discredit Bill Clinton, as well. The ascent of Olson and Ashcroft to two of the most important positions in the Department of Justice could be said to complete the electoral coup of the year 2000. The lecture concludes with analysis of the "energy crisis" in California as a deliberately structured destabilization of the California Democratic electoral base. California went heavily for Gore in 2000 and Gray Davis has been discussed as a possible opponent for Bush in 2004. The California "energy crisis" may well be setting the stage for "the electoral coup of the year 2004." (Recorded on 2/24/2001.)

Lecture Series #9 - What Does the "W" in George W. Bush Stand For? 
(2000)



 With George W. Bush running for President, this lecture sets forth information about the political heritage of Bush and the Bush family. The discussion begins with the elite Skull and Bones society at Yale. Dubya, his father and grandfather belonged to this elite society. Two of George H.W. Bush's fellow "bonesmen (Howard Weaver and Samuel Sloan Walker Jr) both worked with Allen Dulles' "Freedom Fighters" program. (The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People, by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; St. Martin's Press; copyright 1994; ISBN 0-312-11057-X; pp. 592-3.) It should be noted that George H.W. Bush was deeply involved with the "fascist freedom fighters" network.

The program discusses some of the mythology about, and substance of, the Skull and Bones society. (The New York Observer; 3/27/2000; pp. 15-16.) The discussion touches on the occult origins of the group's initiation rituals, some of the influential men who had belonged to the group, the group's on-going contacts with the elder George, and a circular letter instructing "bonesmen" to avoid discussion of the group (presumably because of the candidacy of George W. (Idem.) The discussion then highlights allegations that Prescott Bush (Sr) helped to rob Geronimo's grave, as well as related charges that the Apache warrior's remains were then taken back to the "Tomb" (the insider's nickname for the Skull and Bones headquarters.)

Next, the lecture answers the question posed in the title. The "W" in George Junior's name stands for Walker, the last name of Bush's great grandfather, one of Hitler's most powerful American financial backers.) The lecture highlights the profound involvement of George Herbert Walker and his son-in-law Prescott Bush (Senior) in financing of the German industrial concerns that financed and propelled the Third Reich. (Prescott Bush Sr. is the father of the former President and CIA Director and the grandfather of "W.") The discussion touches on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the Bush-connected companies that played a key role in Nazi espionage before, and during, World War II. In addition to helping to fund the operations of the SS, the Hamburg-Amerika line also played a significant role in the Bormann flight capital program. The discussion underscores the strong connections between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen, the German steelmaker and one of Hitler's earliest and most prominent financial backers. The Union Banking Corporation was a Bush business that was, in essence, a front for the Thyssen interests.

The genesis of the Walker-Thyssen relationship was in 1924, the year after Thyssen began to develop the long relationship with Martin Bormann, a familial relationship that has spanned the generations. (Mr. Emory speculates that the Bush family may very well be deeply involved with the Bormann group.)

The discussion highlights George Sr.'s involvement with the Nazi emigre milieu that spawned the Republican Ethnic Heritage Organization, literally a Nazi wing of the Republican party. (This milieu had its genesis with the Crusade For Freedom, the centerpiece of Allen Dulles' fascist freedom fighters program, involving Bush's fellow bonesmen Weaver and Sloan Walker. This was an illegal domestic intelligence operation, which entailed the importation of Nazis and fascists into the United States for political purposes. A close political ally of Richard Nixon, George Bush midwived the formal inclusion of the Nazi "ethnics" in the GOP, utilizing his position as chairman of the Republican National Committee. Bush later used this same Nazi emigre network in his 1988 presidential campaign.

Another major focal point of the lecture is the involvement of George H.W. Bush in the assassination of President Kennedy. The lecture documents a number of connections between the milieu of "vice" Presidents George Bush Sr., Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon and V.P. candidate Dick Cheney and the assassination of President Kennedy. One of the acquisitions of Halliburton Oil (headed by Dick Cheney) was Dresser industries. (Wall Street Journal, 7/26/2000, p. B4.) The program recapitulates an excerpt from RFA-37, that documents Bush Sr.'s employment with Dresser industries, the firm's connections to the intelligence community and to Prescott Bush Sr. (George Sr.'s father), the firm's connections to the Skull and Bones society, to which both Bushes (and George W.) belong; the probability that Dresser served as a cover for George Sr.'s work for the CIA, and George Sr.'s close connections to Oswald handler and probable Nazi spy George de Mohrenschildt. ("In the Company of Friends", by Anthony L. Kimmery, Covert Action Information Bulletin, Issue #41, Summer 1992.) The lecture highlights the close relationship between Richard Nixon and George Bush, Sr. Nixon appointed Bush Sr. as head of the Republican National Committee during the Watergate scandal, just as he appointed Gerald Ford as Vice-President. Ford then succeeded Nixon, pardoned him, and appointed Bush as director of the CIA. Bush then helped to obstruct the House Select Committee on Assassinations' investigation of the Kennedy assassination. It should be noted that George Sr.'s name crops up in connection with the Kennedy assassination in several different different ways.

The talk details the links of George Bush Senior to the shooting of President Reagan. At the time Reagan was shot, former Director of Central Intelligence Bush was Vice-President.) John Hinckley was a former member of the National Socialist Party of America. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) He was expelled for being so violent that his fellow Nazis suspected him of being a government agent. (Idem.) In October of 1980, Hinckley had been arrested at the Nashville (Tennessee) airport as then President Jimmy Carter was due to arrive. (Idem.) At the time, he had a .38 caliber pistol and two .22 caliber handguns in his possession, along with 50 rounds of ammunition. (Idem.) Interestingly, this former resident of Dallas, Texas, had purchased the weapons at Rocky's Pawn Shop, on the very street on which President Kennedy had been assassinated. (Idem.) One wonders to what extent some of these "coincidences" were intended to send a message. The Nazi party to which Hinckley belonged had been founded by George Lincoln Rockwell, whose Arlington (Virginia) name and address were in Lee Harvey Oswald's address book at the time of his (Oswald's) arrest. Hinckley had attended a memorial march to commemorate Rockwell. (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.)

The lecture sets forth evidence that Hinckley's father, John Hinckley Sr., had been a significant contributor to George Bush's primary campaign (when Bush Sr. was challenging Ronald Reagan for the nomination.) (Idem.) The night after the shooting, John Jr.'s brother, Scott Hinckley, was scheduled to have dinner with Neil Bush (George W.'s brother and, like "Dubya" and George Sr, a petroleum industry professional.) (San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Scott was, at the time, an executive with the Hinckley family's independent oil company, Vanderbilt Energy. (San Jose Mercury, 4/1/81, p. 24A, San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Hinckley Sr.'s participation in a Christian Evangelical organization called World Vision is of more than passing interest. (San Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) World Vision had served as a front for U.S. intelligence in Central America, employing former members of Anastazio Somoza's National Guard to inform on El Salvadorian refugees in Costa Rica. (National Catholic Reporter, 4/23/82.) A number of the refugees were liquidated, after being identified as guerilla sympathizers by World Vision operatives. (Idem.) World Vision had also functioned as a front for U.S. intelligence in Southeast Asia dring the Vietnam War. (Christian Century Magazine, 7/4-7/11/1979.) Hinckley Sr.'s participation in World Vision, the latter's connections to U.S. intelligence, and the closeness of the Bush and Hinckley families should be evaluated in light of the fact that George Sr. had been head of the CIA. Hinckley Jr. was eventually represented by the law firm of Edward Bennett Williams, one of the most powerful law firms in Washington D.C. (San Francisco Examiner, 4/1/81, p. A12.) The Williams firm's previous clients included former CIA director Richard Helms, Robert Vesco (also connected to U.S. intelligence), Jimmy Hoffa and John Connally. With the assistance of the Williams law firm's representation (and a pliant media establishment) Hinckley's documented Nazi connections were magically transformed into "delusions" of this "lone nut." (San Francisco Chronicle, 5/18/82.)

The lecture highlights the phony "oil shortage" of the late 1970's against the background of the allegedly real "oil shortage" of the year 2000. (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335.) In this important and extensively-footnoted volume, the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall, as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely maintained forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and to mandate weapons sales to Saudi Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet menace". (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony "gas shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.)

Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources.) became "power behind the throne." Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices, destabilizing the Carter administration, and persuading Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.

The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter's defeat. Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession of George W. Bush. It was during the phony oil shortage of Ăƒ979-80 that George W's first business venture took shape.

The genesis of his first oil company involved many of the conspiratorial forces that overlapped his father's tenure as CIA director (and, later, as Vice-President.) Bush's Arbusto Energy company was begun, in part, with money from one James R. Bath. Bath's reputed associations run from the Central Intelligence Agency to the failed BCCI. The latter was a financial institution involved in drug-dealing, terrorism and arms trafficking. (It was used by Oliver North for some of his Iran-Contra machinations.) Bath was the Texas business representative for Saudi terrorist Osama Bin Laden's family and the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part, from the Bin Laden family. (Bath appears to have had little or no capital of his own at this time.) Bath told a business associate that he had been personally recruited into the CIA by George H.W. Bush, when he was director of the Agency. Bath also claimed that his involvement with his Saudi clients was undertaken at the specific request of the senior Bush. (Presumably, this would have included his work on behalf of the Bin Laden family.)

Next, the lecture focuses on George H.W. Bush's pivotal role in the Iran-Contra and "Iraqgate" scandals. After discussion of his pardoning of several key participants in the affair, the talk turns to his involvement in the events themselves. (The Los Angeles Times; 8/28/2000; p. A13.) The discussion focuses on Bush and the world of "international terrorism." (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407-409; p. 429.) Having chaired the Vice-President's Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush oversaw and implemented recommendations issueing from that Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision Directives, Bush was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons describe as "His (Bush's) own private spy agency," and "a White House within the White House." Ostensibly created to provide a rapid, prophylactic response to "international terrorism," these networks became the primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated, illegal and treasonous Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes.

Far from being "out of the loop," as he claimed, George Bush was the primary player in both affairs. (Idem.) His "private spy agency" was the most significant element in the both the administration and implementation of the operations. (Idem.) The name of George W's brother Neil also surfaced in connection with the S & L scandal. Neil Bush approved many of the bad loans that collapsed Denver's Silverado Savings and Loan. (The Houston Post, 2/4/1990.) (It should be noted that George H.W. Bush chaired the task force that crafted the "reforms" under which the looting of the S & L's took place. It should also be noted that Neil Bush's name also figures in the scenario surrounding the shooting of President Reagan.) Neil Bush's name also surfaced in connection with the Sun-Flo case in Colorado. ("Dealer's Choice: A Colorado Invention Was Supposed to End World Hunger, but Instead Left Investors High and Dry" by Bryan Abas; Westword; 7/13-19/1988.) Bush's name was used to help raise money for a dehydration device designed to preserve produce in Third World areas. (Idem.) It appears that the enterprise was a scam to raise money for cocaine trafficking, possibly in connection with the Contra support effort in Central America. (Idem.)

Neil and W's brother Jeb (currently governor of Florida) also assisted with the prosecution of the Contra War in Nicaragua. Jeb Bush served as his father's liaison to the anti-Castro Cuban community in Florida. ("The Family That Preys Together" by Jack Calhoun; Covert Action Information Bulletin #41; Summer 1992.) The anti-Castro Cubans were deeply involved in the Contra support effort. Jeb Bush also maintined contacts with figures from the Miami underworld milieu. (Idem.)

The discussion outlines forth a Byzantine series of machinations, through which an airplane purchased for smuggling operations by drug smuggler, DEA informant and Iran-Contra lynchpin Barry Seal wound up being Texas Governor George Bush's favorite aircraft. Barry Seal's expertise as a drug pilot par excellence, his aircraft, as well as his bases of operations were tailor-made for the Reagan adminsitration's clandestine wars in Central America, particularly the Contra support effort. Moreover, the winding path followed by "Zero-Eight Foxtrot" from Seal to the Governor's mansion is an excellent vantage point for examining the myriad and overlapping criminal conspiracies that helped to support the Contra war. (The plane's nickname is derived from its registration number.) Following the aircraft's trail, one will come across drug-smuggling, the savings and loan scandal, insurance scams and other "bust-out" operations, the proceeds from which went to finance the Contras.

The talk also details the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash was not an accident. Contrary to news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between two and five miles. Kennedy was about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday" distress call. Eyewitnesses reported Kennedy's plane aproaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100 feet. (This contrasts markedly with the "radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility. 



(Recorded on 10/14/2000 at the Fort Mason Center in San Francisco.)