Showing posts with label Diana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Diana. Show all posts

Sunday 7 March 2021

Dialectics - The Alchemy of Ideas : Constructive Dialogue vs. Rational Discourse




PREMISE :
" Anything, any topic, can be the subject of rational discussion by mature, reasonable, responsible adults that are the respsective possessors of antithetical views arising as the product of sincerely-held, legitimate differences of opinion. "

NO - You Cannot Ever Hope to so Definitively Apply or Affirm Such a Naive Assertion of Generalities.

Why?

Because The Universe, to Our Limited Vision and Understanding, is not Guaranteed and Underwritten to Behave Always or With Consistency in the Manner of a Rational Actor.

Why?

Because of the Unknown-Unknowns and Certain Uncertainty of Quantum Factors, Resulting from Free Will, Choice, Intention and the Mysteries of the Ineffable and Intuitive - often only accessible through Art, or Acts of Creation in Whichever Direction of Abstract Extrapolation, Divination and Interpretation -

viz.

"You can't conceive, nor can I, the appalling strangeness of the mercy of God...."

Graham Greene
Brighton Rock


The Premise is therefore Hereby shown to have been invalid, from the first :

NOT Everything can be hammered-out in order to be rendered clear and understood via moderated Aristotelian discourse of rational, reasonable Scholars and Learned Men of the Accademy of The Society

Nor is it safe to presume that such Learned and Scholarly Men are ever acting or engagining in Discourse, any Discourse, on any topic from a personally uninvolved and impartial position of passive objectivity, rationality and "Pure Reason"


American college and university campuses are increasingly crippled by a form of mass irrationalism called political correctness . The purveyors of this doctrine proclaim that everything important in history can be summed up under the headings of race , gender, ethnicity , and choice of sexual perversion. 

They condemn western Judeo-Christian civilization , and inveigh against the dead white European males who predominate among the scientists of the last 600 years . 

True to the spirit of Herbert Marcuse' s 1968 essay on "Repressive Tolerance" the politically correct demand the silencing of any speech that might be offensive to themselves and their radical feminist, homosexual , or ethnic-group clienteles. Instead, they busy themselves with coining absurd new euphemisms for plain English , fashioning labyrinths of pedantic circumlocution. The infantile irrationality of political correctness might suggest that all of these characteristics were purely arbitrary expressions ofthe prejudices of the politically correct thought policepersons themselves . What needs to be appreciated is that the politically correct creed is coherent with a kind of philosophical doctrine which has a name: deconstructionism. The leading expositor of deconstructionism is a French writer named Jacques Derrida, a professor at the School for Higher Studies in Social Sciences in Paris. Since his appearance at a celebrated conference at Johns Hopkins University in 1 966 , Derrida has been a frequent guest professor and lecturer at many American universities , especially Yale , but also Berkeley , Stanford , and many others. 

Although Derrida is not a household word, he is the dominant academic philosopher in the world today. 

Ironically , his support and readership is greater in the United States than in France or any other country . U . S . higher education is now decisively influenced by Derrida' s deconstructionism, a patchwork of fragments scavenged from the twentieth-century ideological junkyard of totalitarian movements . For those who have been wondering about a possible new prime focus of philosophical and political evil after the discrediting of Marxism: This is it. 

Deconstructionists are radical nominalists , which means they are virtual paranoid schizophrenics. Books are already filled with the humorless politically correct Newspeak of post-modernism: vertically challenged instead of short, differently hirsute instead of bald , and so forth . But changing words does nothing to change real situations . If tens of millions are unemployed and starving in today ' s depression, then they need jobs and economic recovery, and not terms like "momentarily downsized" or other new ways euphemistically to express their plight. 

To say nothing of the fact that this jargon makes thinking impossible . 

Derrida the Deconstructionist 

Jacques Derrida was born to a Sephardic Jewish family in El Biar, Algeria in 1 930. He began writing in the early 196Os , and his first important books , Writing and Difef rence, Disseminations, and OfGrammatology, came out in 1967- 68 . Derrida' s existential matrix is the May 1 968 destabilization of the great Gen . Charles de Gaulle' s government-an operation fomented by Anglo-American intelligence . This intellectual milieu was dominated in the 1 950s by the existentialism of Sartre and Merleau-Ponty, and in the 1960s by the structuralism of Levi-Strauss (whose networks spawned much of the terrorism plaguing Ibero-America) and the Freudianism of Jacques Lacan , spiced by the Hegelianism of Jean Hippolite . During the late 1 960s, Derrida was built up by the group around the magazine Tel Quel, including one Felix Guattari , later an apologist for the Italian Red Brigades terrorists. Derrida ' s immediate academic lineage at the elite Higher Normal School (ENS), makes for one hell of an intellectual pedigree .

Start with Louis Althusser, the structuralist Marxist of Reading Das Kapital. Already in the late 1940s Althusser was suffering frequent mental breakdowns; in 1980, he murdered his wife by strangling. her, and was committed to an asylum for the criminally insane . In the late 1 940s, Althusser acquired a disciple: This was Michel Foucault, a young homosexual who periodically made abortive attempts at suicide , so that he was allowed to live in the ENS infirmary.

Foucault was an enthusiastic reader of Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger who , under Althusser' s influence, also became a Marxist and a member of the French Communist Party , where he was rumored to work as a ghost-writer for Jean Kanapa, a Stalinist member of the Politburo. Later Foucault would discover themes like the glorification of insanity, liberation through masturbation, and the like . Foucault ended up at the University of California at Berkeley, where he frequented the chains-leather-riding crop homosexual and sado-masochistic scene . Foucault died of AIDS in 1984.

 'Giving bullshit a bad name' 

But Foucault also had a disciple: Jacques Derrida , who took his course at the ENS: "I was struck, like many others , by his speaking ability . His eloquence, authority , and brilliance were impressive ," said Derrida later of his mentor. Derrida was taken by Foucault to the psychiatric hospital of St. Anne to hear patients examined (Michel Foucault by Didier Eribon, p. 50). Derrida has been less of a political exhibitionist than Foucault. Derrida was arrested by the communist authorities in Prague in 1981 on charges of drug trafficking; he said that he had come to meet dissidents and was released after protests. In the mid-1980s , Derrida authored a characteristically garbled essay in praise of Nelson Mandela. In general , Derrida claims always to have been a leftist . Foucault and his pupil Derrida quarreled during the 1970s , and Foucault has provi􀄘ed some trenchant summations of Derrida' s work, which he rightly called "terrorist obscurantism.

Obscurantism because Derrida deliberately writes in an incomprehensible w􀄙ay . If one ventures to criticize Derrida, the latter says: "You misunderstood me you are an idiot" (LimitedI nc. , p. 158). 

Foucault also said of Derrida: "He's the kind of philosopher who gives bullshit a bad name" (Illiberal Education by Dinesh D'Souza, p. 190). 

The main exception seems to be when Derrida has to argue for funding for his activities; in these cases he seems to be able to speak quite clearly (see Tenured Radicals) . The destruction of language Those who try to read Derrida find a smokescreen of infuriating jargon, thoroughly pedantic but in a modish way. What is Derrida up to behind the smokescreen? One thinks of Moliere's pedant Vadius in Les Femmes Savantes . His task at one level is simply to destroy the literate languages of western Europe and their developed capacity to transmit advanced scientific, artistic, and epistemological conceptions.

Derrida wants to wreck everything that has been accomplished since De Vulgari Eloquentia (On the Eloquence of the Vernacular) by Dante, Petrarch, and their heirs in many countries. Derrida also knows that in order to destroy the efficacy of these languages, he must also destroy the heritage of Plato

Derrida wants to show that all written and spoken discourse is umeadable, undecipherable, incapable of meaning anything. Reading a written text, above all, is for Derrida always a misreading. 

For this operation Derrida proceeds in the spirit of an ultra-Aristotelian radical nominalism which abolishes any relation between language on the one hand, and concepts and reality on the other. Such an outlook is always closely linked with paranoid schizophrenic mental pathologies. The operation is far from new, but has been attempted many times during the centuries, in recent times especially by the AngloVenetian or continental oligarchical schools of philosophy. Derrida is like David Hume, who began with the usual "Nihil in intellectu quod non prius in sensu" ("Nothing is in the intellect that was not first in the senses") of Paolo Sarpi's disciples among the British empiricists, and soon ended up denying the possible existence of truth, the world, causality, knowledge, and the self.

Derrida uses "texts" as the primary sense impressions and arrives at the same kind of radical skepticism. Signs without reality Much of modem philosophy is an attempt to dissolve epistemology into language and then to cripple epistemology by dissolving language. This is typical of Ludwig Wittgenstein, who has had immense influence in the AngloAmerican world. Ernst Cassirer wrote in his Philosophy of Symbolic Forms about language becoming the principal weapon of skepticism rather than the vehicle for philosophical knowledge. Stuart Chase and the semanticists tried to show that most important political and historical concepts were meaningless verbiage.

The modem hermeneutic school is not far behind. Derrida's late comrade in arms, Paul de Man, the leading "boa deconstructor" at Yale University until his death in 1984 , talked about the predicament of modem thought as being linguistic rather than ontological or hermeneutic- meaning once again that language is a self-contained world of signs without links to reality. 

Concepts about the real world are degraded to rhetorical figures and tropes. Derrida's trick is to veil his extreflle subjectivist denial of reality with an apparent negation of both subject and object: " ... not only [does] meaning ... 􀅠ot essentially imply the intuition of the object but ... it essJntially excludes it .. .. The total absence of the subject and) object of a statementthe death of the writer and/or the dis ppearance of the object he was able to describe--does not prevent a text from 'mean- I ing' something. On the contrary, this possibility gives birth to meaning as such, gives it out to be eard and read" (Speech and Phenomena , pp. 92-93). Derrida's irrationalism has more flair than that of his plodding factional adversaries in thi older Anglo-American linguistic analysis schools.



When Derrida was a young boy, he was locked by his sister in a cedar chest in the family home and kept there by her for what seemed to him to be an eternity. During this time the child Derrida thought that he had died and gone to another world. After he had been rescued from the cedar chest, he somehow conceived the idea that he had been castrated. He came to see himself as the Egyptian pagan god Osiris, who had died and been dismembered, but then reassembled and brought back from the dead (minus his male organ) by Isis.

Derrida told his Paris students of the early 1970s that this decisive experience in his life had led him to write the book Dissemination (Paris, 1972), which includes much elaboration of the theme of seed that is scattered, etc.

Derrida felt compelled to narrate the Isis-Osiris-Horus myth in detail in the chapter of Dissemination entitled "Plato's Pharmacy," which is otherwise a document of his hatred for both Socrates and Plato. The Kabbala and mysticism Derrida is the bearer of another form of irrationalism of a specifically Venetian stamp: He has been pervasively influenced by the mystical writings of the Kabbala, a school cultivated over centuries by the Luzzato patrician family of the Venetian ghetto.

Derrida cites a certain "Rabbi Eliezer": "If all the seas were of ink, and all ponds planted with reeds, if the sky and the earth were parchments and if all human beings practiced the art of writing, they would not exhaust the Torah I have learned, just as the Torah itself would not be diminished any more than is the sea by the water removed by a paint brush dipped in it."

Can this be Eleazar Ben Judah of Worms, the Hasidic Kabbalist who lived from 1160 to 1238? An ancient text with rach single word surrounded by . en . dless pages of exegetica􀁑 comm􀅘nt􀅙, with each note pomtmg to a another, older text-this IS one of Derrida's d.ominating visions. 􀁐 errida's lessay . on the Livre des Questions (B ook of QuestIOns) and reBatls Ma Demeure (I Build My House) by the contemporary French author Edmond Jabes yields a singular quotation on "the difficulty of being a Jew, which coincides with the difficulty of writing: for Judaism and writing are but the same waiting, the same hope, the same depletion." 

"The art of the writer consists in little by little making words interest themselves in his books" I (Writing and Difef rence, p. 65􀅚. Derrida sometimes assumes the persona of a Kabbalist and signs his essays as "Reb Rida" or "Reb Derissa." 

Derrida was much influen􀅛ed by the French writer Emmanuel Levinas, who populahzed the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl and the pro-Nazi existentialism of Martin Heidegger in France. Husserl and Heidegger had appeared as co-thinkers until Hitler's seizure of power in 1933, when Heidegger came out openly asia raving Nazi, while Husserl declined to do so. At this point, Levinas gravitated to Heidegger's, that is to say, to the oPfn Nazi side. Levinas helped to direct Derrida' s attention 0 Heidegger, who was also profoundly influencing Frenc􀅜 thought via Sartre, who was also a convinced Heideggerian. Just as Heidegger is a commentator of the protofascist 􀅝ietzsche, so Derrida can be seen as a commentator of the Nazi Heidegger. Derrida's endorsement of Heidegger is iqdeed very strong: "I maintain . . . that Heidegger's text is 0t extreme importance, that it constitutes an unprecedented, lirreversible advance and that we are still very far from haying exploited all its critical resources" (Positions, pp. 70, 3). Deconstruction is destruction A typical theme of the irr􀀚tionalists of the Weimar Republic was Destruktion .

 Karl ¥annheim wrote in his Ideology and Utopia (1929) about thd need to promote the Destruktion of self-deceiving ideologi s. For the Heidegger of Being and Time , Destruktion meant something similar, approximately the clearing away of what deconstructionists call "western metaphysics" from life and the institutions of thought. Heidegger wrote afteI the war in his Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics (p. 211) of the need for a "destructive retrospect of the history 0 I ontology" whose task would be to "lay bare the internal character or development" of its objects of study. This would i􀅞volve a "loosening up" of the "hardened tradition" of "ontology" by a "positive destruction." 

The Nazi Heidegger's noti n of Destruktion is the immediate starting point for Derrid􀅟 and his entire school. In the first published edition of De La GrammatoLogie (Of Gramma- I tology) published in Paris in 1967 , Derrida does not talk about "deconstruction" but rather abfut "destruction" throughout. 

Derrida says that in deconstruetion, "the task is . . . to dis-mantle [deconstruire] the metaphysical and rhetorical structures which are at work . . . not in order to reject or discard them, but to reinscribe them in another way" (Margins of Philosophy). Derrida is nervous to the point of paranoia lest this connection become too obvious: He deliberately lies that "deconstruction has nothing to do with destruction. I believe in the necessity of scientific work in the classical sense. I believe in the necessity of everything which is being done . "


The destruction of reason With deconstruction thus revealed as a slyly disguised form of destruction , the next question is to determine what is to be destroyed. Derrida wants the destruction of reason, the deconstruction of the Logos, which he identifies as the central point of the Judeo-Christian philosophical tradition. That tradition is what the deconstructionists are attacking when they rail against "western metaphysics." Derrida is anti-western because he regards the line of development from Socrates and Plato through Gottfried Leibniz as "ethnocentric" and racist. When he attacks "metaphysics," he means human reason itself.


Derrida writes: "The 'rationality' -but perhaps that word should be abandoned for reasons that will appear at the end of this sentence-which governs a writing is thus enlarged and radicalized , no longer issues from a logos. Further, it inaugurates the destruction, not the demolition but the de-sedimentation, the de-construction, of all the significations that have their source in that of the logos . Particularly the signification of truth. All the metaphysical determinations of truth, and even the one beyond metaphysical onto-theology that Heidegger reminds us of, are more or less immediately inseparable from the instance of the logos, or of a reason thought within the lineage of the logos, in whatever sense it is understood: in the pre-Socratic or the philosophical sense, in the sense of God ' s infinite understanding or in the anthropological sense, in the pre-Hegelian or the post-Hegelian sense" (Of Grammatology, pp . 10-11) .

And again: "This absolute logos was an infinite creative subjectivity in medieval theology: The intelligible face of the sign remains turned toward the word and the face of God" (OfGrammatology, p. 13). How then can reason and the logos be destroyed?

Heidegger had already given the example of attempt this by mystifying the concepts having to do with language: ''Thinking collects language into simple speaking . Language is therefore the language of being , just as the clouds are the clouds of the heavens . In speaking , thinking plows simple furrows into language . These furrows are even simpler than those plowed with slow steps by the farmer. " 'The death of civilization of the book' For Derrida, using a terminology that is borrowed from the linguist Ferdinand de Saussure , language is at first the realm of "sign" and "signified . " 

"The difference between sign and signifier belongs in a profound and implicit way to the totality of the great epoch covered by the history of metaphysics, and in a more explicit and more systematically articulated way to the narrower epoch of Christian creationism and infinitism when these appropriate the resources of Greek conceptuality. This appurtenance is essential and irreducible; one cannot retain . . . the scientific truth . . . without also bringing with it all its metaphysico-theological roots" (Of Grammatology, p. 13).

In other words, Platonic Christianity is the basis for modem science, and that is the enemy Derrida seeks to liquidate by destroying language. The scientific tradition "begins its era in the form of Platonism, it ends in infinitist metaphysics . " (Here Derrida is probably targeting Georg Cantor and the transfinite numbers.) 

Derrida is fully conscious that the exhaustion of language will bring with it nothing less than the "death of speech" and the "death of the civilization of the book" (Of Grammatology, p . 8).


Again following his Nazi guru Heidegger, Derrida focuses his destructive attention on the "metaphysics of presence" as this relates to language . The "presence" amounts to a solid grounding for certain knowledge, for the certitude that something exists. 

Derrida is at pains to point out that "presence" of this kind is required as a pre-condition for the conceptual apparatus of western philosophy from the time of the Greeks on down: "It could be shown that all names related to fundamentals, to principles, or to the center have always designated an invariable presence-eidos [action], arche [principle or first cause], telos [purpose], energeia, ousia (essence, existence, substance, subject), aletheia, [truth] transcendentality, consciousness, God, man, and so forth" ("Structure, Sign and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences," pp. 279-280).

In language, "the metaphysics of presence" is equated with a "transcendental signified" or "ultimate referent," which would function as the ultimate guarantee of meaning.

We see that for Derrida, all western languages are "metaphysical," since their key words and concepts are permeated by Christian Platonism. They are also metaphysical, he thinks, because the only way to be sure of the meaning of "Send over a pizza," presupposes the Christian Platonic foundations of the whole civilization. Derrida therefore sets out to destroy Platonism by destroying language, while hoping to destroy the civilization along with both. 

Reason and speech Derrida asserts that the western languages are "logocentric," that they are based on reason in this way. Logos can mean reason, but also lawfulness or ordering principle, but also word, discourse, argument, and speech. "With this logos," says Derrida, "the original and essential link to the phone [sound] has never been broken." In other words, human reason and human speech are inextricably bound up together. The connection of speech and reason is the organizing principle of Plato's dialogues and of all the literature based on them, through St. Augustine to the Italian Renaissance. The theater of Marlowe, Shakespeare, and Schiller represents a continuation of this tradition in a slightly different form. We must also recall that the classical poetry of Homer, Dante, and Chaucer was meant to be spoken or sung aloud.

 If "the scar on the paper," were to replace all this, colossal cultural damage would of course be the result. Western language is therefore not only logocentric, but also phonocentric: that is to say, western language recognizes the primacy of the spoken language over the written language.

"The system of language associated with phoneticalphabetic writing is that within which logocentric metaphysics, determining the sense of being as presence, has been produced" (OfGrammatology, p. 43).

Derrida obviously cannot deny that spoken language "came first." He also cannot escape the fact that while the spoken word (parole) is a sign, the written word (mot) is the sign of a sign. He tries to go back to a mythical form of writing in general that might have existed before Socrates and Plato came on the scene, calling this arche-ecriture , (arch-writing) but this is plainly nothing but a crude deus ex machina hauled in to substantiate a thesis that has nothing going for it.

In the Book of Genesis, Adam creates language under the direct tutelage of God by giving names to animals and other objects. But Derrida is hell-bent on reducing everything to writing and texts as the only sense data the individual gets from the world. Black marks on white paper In order to attack the logos and reason through the spoken word, Derrida sets against them his notion of writing: l' ecriture . Derrida explains that what he means by writing is "a text already! written, black on white" (Dissemination , p. 203). That means a text already written, black on white. Black marks on white paper, plus excruciating attention to spaces, numbers, margins, paragraphs, typefaces, colophons, copyright notices, plus patterns, groups, repetitions of all of the above and so on in endless fetishism. Since it is probably clear by now that Derrida, posing as the destroyer of western metaphysics, is only spinning out very bad metaphysics in the process, we can feel free to say that Derrida attempts to establish the ontological priority of writing over language and speech. Nothing in the way of proof is offered in favor of this absurd idea: The argument proceeds through a "we say" and ends by lamely hinting that the computer revolution will also help reduce all spoken words to black marks on the page:

"The entire field covered by the cybernetic program will be the field of writing" (Of Grammatology, p. 9).

This is Derrida's new pseudo-science called "grammatology," which studies the marks (grammata) on the paper. Each gramme or grapheme can be endlessly commented upon. The word comes from a nineteenth-century French dictionary by Littre and has been more recently used by 1.J. Gelb in the title of his book A Study of Writing: The Foundations of Grammatology.! For Derrida, the black marks on the white paper are the only reality, as he very radicallylasserts in Of Grammatology: "The axial proposition of this essay is that there is nothing I outside the text." Since the notion of the "text" has already been expanded to include all language, and since real events are reduced by Derrida to "discdurse" about those events, the deconstructors argue that this islnot as fanatical as it sounds. But the fact remains that for Derrida, the sense data we have are the texts. There is no other perception. Better yet, as he says, "I don't believe that anything like perception exists" I ("Structure, Sign and Play in tpe Discourse of the Human Sciences" in The Language of Criticism and the Sciences of I Man (Baltimore, 1970), pp. 27 ff., "Discussion").

Deconstructing Plato 
Derrida exalts writing over speech, but logocentric-phonocentric western thinking refuses to go along with him. Derrida directs his rage against Plato by "deconstructing" the dialogue Phaedrus .

The result is the essay "Plato's Pharmacy" which appears in Dissemination . This is classical Derridean obfuscation, playing on the multiple meanings of the Greek word pharmakon, which can mean variously poisonremedymagic potion, or medicine.

But the fields of meaning are even more complicated: Socrates, at the beginning of the dialogue, recounts the story of the nymph Orithyia who was playing with the nymph Pharmakeia when Orithyia was blown over a cliff by Boreas, the north wind. 

Pharmakeia was herself associated with a healing fountain.

Phaedrus has brought some written texts for Socrates to read, and these are compared to a drug (pharmakon) which has lured Socratesto

Are these texts a healing drug or poison?

Socrates narrates the fable of the Egyptian god Tlileuth, a Hermes-Mercury figure who had invented countinggeometryastronomydice, and letters (grammata) for writingTheuth wants to share all these arts with the people of Egypt, so he goes to Amon Ra (Thamus) and offers the l to him. Amon Ra rejects the letters, explaining that these will weaken memory and make available only the appearance and presumption of knowledge, but not true knowledge. Derrida explodes with rage against Socrates and Plato: ('One begins by repeating without knowing-through a myth-the definition of writing: repeating without knowing .. 1 .. Once the myth has dealt the first blows, the logos of socr􀀋es will crush the accused." (Dissemination. p. 84)


 He the proceeds to an obsessive recounting of the Isis-Osiris story. Derrida also makes much of the fact that although Plato includes reference to Socrates as pharmakeus (poisoner, medicine man , sorcerer), he does not free-associate from pharmakon/pharmakeus to pharmakos, meaning scapegoat. The idea is that Socrates really became a scapegoat at his trial , while Plato is making a scapegoat of "writing ." The conclusion is that "the pharmakon is neither the cure nor the poison, neither good nor evil , neither the inside nor the outside , neither speech nor writing" (Positions, p. 59). Through a hidden pattern of ambiguities , the text, in addition to saying what Plato might have meant, also says what Plato cannot have meant. 

The dialogue thus deconstructed is hopelessly contradictory and impossible to interpret or construe.

Q.E.D. 

Nietzsche had called himself Plato in reverse, and had railed against "Socrates , he who does not write. " Derrida attacks Plato in another interminable book, The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond. Half of this book is made up of a series of wildly dissociated, stream of consciousness letters that revolve around a postcard Derrida says he found at the Bodleian Library at Oxford University. The postcard depicts a miniature from an old manuscript showing Socrates seated at a desk writing , with a smaller Plato behind him, appearing to Derrida "dictating, authoritarian, masterly, imperious" (pp. to- I I ) .

Upon seeing this , Derrida naturally went wild: "I always knew it, it had remained like the negative of a photograph to be developed for 25 centuries in me of course." Hundreds of pages of babbling follow , always returning to Derrida's desire to rewrite the history of philosophy by securing the greatest possible attention for this postcard: "Don't forget that all of this took ofHrom the wish to make this picture the cover of a book, all of it pushed back into its margins , the title, my name, the name of the publisher, and miniaturized (I mean in red) on Socrates' phallus" (p. 25 1). Other essays in this book evoke Freud and his comparison of the human psyche to a "mystic writing pad" as another way of undermining the logos .

Slaying the ' tyranny of reason' Derrida is always heavily larded with Freud (who was a Kabbalist mystic, homosexual , and morphine addict himself) . This opens up new possibilities for deconstruction: in "Plato's Pharmacy" discussed above, Derrida exerts himself to show that Plato's notion of the logos had strong fatherly and paternal overtones . From here it is not far to Derrida's idiotic neologism of "phallogocentrism."

Derrida seems to think that his confrere Lacan does not go far enough in liberating himself from phallocentrism. Derrida comments: "Freud, like his followers , only described the necessity of phallogocentrism. . . . It is neither an ancient nor a speculative mistake . . . . It is an enormous and old root" (Le Facteur de la Verite, (The Factor of Truth) p. 145).

Infinite variations on this psychotic revolt against the tyranny of reason , featuring the related need to slay the father and fight phallocentrism are now playing, often at taxpayers ' expense, at yourl local campus . One of Derrida's nervous tics is that texts have no authors . 

This is strictly in accordance with his deconstruction of the notion of the human self, which in his eyes is an invention of those hated west rn metaphysics. The late Paris "semiologist" Roland Barthe had proclaimed that "as institution , the author is dead: hi civil status, his biographical person have disappeared ." Derrida agrees, and writes: "The names of authors or of doc . nes have here no substantial value . They indicate neither dentities nor causes . It would be frivolous to think that 'De artes,' 'Leibniz ' 'Rousseau ,' etc . are names of authors , 0 the authors of movements or displacements that we thus d signate . The indicative value that I attribute to them is firs the name of a problem" (Of Grammatology, p . 99). 

In the 1970s Derrida enga ed in a polemic with a certain John R. Searle, an academic s ecializing in so-called AngloAmerican speech act theory. errida advances philosophical doubts about the existence of Searle, and then spends several pages clowning about the c pyright notice (Copyright © 1977 by John R. Searle). 

De ·da fantasizes that there might exist a copyright trust with stocks and bonds, and that this might be the agency which pI' uced Searle's essay. He then free-associates from the cop ght trust to the French expression for a type of limited lia ·lity corporation, societe! responsabilite limitee-abbrev· ted "SARL" (Limited Inc, pp. 29-36). 


From that point n, Derrida pretends that this SARL is the author of the adv rsary piece. It is all endlessly long-winded and not funny . ut deconstructionists prefer expressions like "subject pos tions" to persons , since this expresses their belief in the fr gmentation of the human self and ego in the post-age of post odernism and post-structuralism. i 'Provisional' reading I It will be useful to show ih somewhat more detail how Derrida's deconstructive shredder goes after a piece of writing . Remember that this can 􀃕e any kind of writing, be it advertising, law , economics, movie scripts, the telephone book, etc .-there is no such thing as a work of art. Derrida always acts with duplicity , 0* what he prefers to call the "double bind": His first or "projvisional" reading often establishes what a text might be thought to mean according to the traditional academic stand*ds of, let us say, the 1950s. Derrida concedes that texts areilegible and at this level there is something to be gotten out 􀁍f them.

The fact that "Send over a pizza" will often producela pizza at the door he ascribes to the "effects" of language, m􀅙aning that some of those who make up the same community !of interpretation will get the idea. But this is a far cry from tthe onotological certainty of meaning which he says is indiswnsable . At this stage Derrida reaches into Heidegger' s threa􀅚bare bag of tricks and pulls out the stratagem of crossing: out certain "metaphysical" words that he wants to use but idistance himself from at the same time in a way that mere quotation marks will not accomplish. An example is Derrida's phrase "to think that the sign is that ill-named thing," with both "is" and "thing" crossed out but still legible (Of GrammatoLogy, p. 19) . 

In order to even pretend to say anything, Derrida needs to use the old "metaphysical" vocabulary, but he does it "under erasure" in this way. Derrida needs a "provisional" reading which makes some sense in order to then knock it down with the cudgels of his trade. 

The most important of these is La dif[erAnce . Note the "a"-in French, as in English, differEnce is normally spelled with an e. La diffèrance in Derridean jargon is supposed to join together two separate ideas. 

One comes from Ferdinand de Saussure, who built up his school of linguistics in the nineteenth century as a means of undermining the great German school of historical philology associated with such figures as Wilhlem von Humboldt, Franz Bopp, and the Grimms. 

Saussure mystified language by wholly removing the historical dimension. 

Saussure argued that no phoneme or other linguistic sign has any meaning by itself, but only by virtue of the way in which it is different from other signs. "Cat" can denote the feline critter not because of any intrinsic quality, but only because it is not the same as "bat," "rat," or "mat," which have been conventionally assigned to other objects. This is de Saussure's negative and relational approach to the function of words. 

The other idea which Derrida wants to mix in is that of delay or deferral. The written word comes forward with the promise of meaning, but the meaning of any "ecriture" always sends us off to other written words and other texts to find out what the given word means. When we reach those other written words and texts, they do not deliver meaning, but rather send us off on an endless journey through a bad infinity of texts. We never get real meaning, and never reach the primordial "arche-writing" that never existed anyway. The promised meaning never materializes, but is always postponed.

A counterfeit of real meaning Differance can thus power Derrida's shredder forward in much the same way that absolute negativity was used to power the Hegelian dialectic. Closely related to difef rance is something Derrida calls La trace, meaning trace, track or spoor. 

Trace is first of all a simulacrum or counterfeit of authentic presence, that is, of real meaning. 

Writing tries to harken back to the arche-writing, but cannot. But every time words are used, and every time they are re-examined in the endless workings of difjerance, they acquire new and elusive overtones of connotation. The "sedimentation" of traces which a word has acquired remains with it always, and makes up the infinite range of its possible present meanings. In other words, every time a word is spoken or written, its meaning changes and evolves. The associations thus acquired are long-lasting. 

Who can hear the word "crook," for example, without thinking of Nixon

Who can think of "malaise" without thinking of Carter

"Normalcy" still means Warren Harding for some, and so forth. So much sedimentation! 

In Derridean jargon this idea is summed up as follows: "A phoneme or graplleme is necessarily always to some extent different each tirr1e that it is presented in an operation or a perception. But it han function as a sign, and in general as language, only if formal identity enables it to be issued again and to be recognized. This identity is necessarily ideal" (Speech and P􀁺enomena , p. 50)

Derrida harps endlessly on this notion that words change each time they are used, and thhs never possess the ideal purity they would need to be the 􀁌earers of guaranteed meaning. It is interesting to note that ,errida incessantly changes his own jargon, dropping old terms and eliminating new ones. His cover story is that even his own jargon, once coined, is re-absorbed by the metaphysical language he is fighting against, so he has to invent new terms. 

Another term for what has just been discussed under the headings of trace and sedimentation is "iterability ," again meaning that words are used repeatedly. "lterability . . . leaves us no choice but to mean (to say) something that is (already, always, also) other than what we mean (to say), to say something other than what we say and would have wanted to say, to understand something other than . . . etc." (Limited Inc a b c, p. 62) . 

Yet another word for the same thing is dissemination . This is important for Derrida because of the Osiris-Isis experience related above. Any piece of writing can be made to scatter itself like seed in all directions, with an endless "freeplay" of possible meanings. One obvious way to do this is to get etymological dictionaries and trace back the varying meanings of words, going all the way back to the hypothetical proto-Indo-European if possible. If this does not work, go ahead and invent false etymologies, the stupider and more pedantic the better (like "his-story" as the opposite of "her-story"). Otherwise, Freud, Husserl, Nietzsche, LeviStrauss, and many others can be plugged in to feed the process of free association. 

In Derrida's book Glas (The Death-Knell) , much attention is focused on Hegel. Derrida clowns with the French pronunciation of "Hegel": "His eagle (aigle) he draws his · who still pronounce it as French, only to a certain point: the cold . . . of the eagle caught in emblemished philosopher be th endless doubletalk, Hegel's is so strange. From the or historical power. Those there are those, are silly . . . of the magisterial and frost (gel) . Let the congealed." 

Later in this knowledge (savoir absolu) get identified as SA, which becomes "a, it," which then suggest the Freudian IU--l)llH also Sturmabteilungen, stormtroopers. And so on. In On Grammatology, the ing from a discussion of on the Origin of Languages . leads to scores of pages on supplement as the part needed to the whole, versus supplement as a part added to a I whole. Elsewhere, Derrida delves into Aristotle's s to dissect the use of the term "ama . " 

As some may already guessed, James Joyce is one of Derrida's all favorite authors. 

From Finnegan ' s Wake Derrida takes phrase "HE WAR" and traces associations from military 1(,{)lmhM , to past time (German er war, he was), and of keeping and preserving (bewahren, aufbewahren) (see Gramophone) . For the boa deconstructor Hillis Miller Yale, all these meanings send the reader into a vibratory endlessly bouncing from one possible interpretation another in a never-ending holding pattern. Paradoxes The crowning moment of any deconstruction is the moment of aporia, of insoluble conflict discovered within the writing. Contradictions like these are very easy to find: As GOdel's proof shows, no formal system can ever be complete and avoid contradiction at the same time. Words have contradictory meanings , as poets have always known. The choplogic Zeno made aporia into his stock in trade, proving that time is and is not, etc. Zeno's paradoxes gave rise to an entire school of skepticism called the aporetics. Whenever a deconstructionist charlatan reads a book or article, he can always be sure to find aporia and then pronounce the text deconstructed. The solid ground of truth and meaning thus supposedly falls out from under Plato and his followers, and the western world suddenly finds itself suspended over the abyss of chaos and delirium. 

This is the plunge into the abyss with which Derrida's exercise in dishonesty and malevolence puts down the book. The politics of rage Other than grabbing endowed chairs and foundation and government grants, what is the point? It is, once again, to destroy civilization. A society that submits its future leaders to education at the hands of deconstructionist con artists cannot survive. Rage is doubtless one of the ruling passions of Derrida and his cohorts, timid academics though they may seem. Derrida praises a "way of thinking that is faithful and attentive to the ineluctable world of the future which proclaims itself at present, beyond the closure of knowledge. The future can only be anticipated in the form of an absolute danger. It is that which breaks absolutely with constituted normality and can only be proclaimed, presented, as a sort of monstrosity" (Of Grammatology, p. 5). 

Derrida writes elsewhere of "the as yet unnamable which is proclaiming itself and which can do so, as is necessary whenever a birth is in the offing, only under the species of nonspecies, in the formless, mute, infant, and terrifying form of monstrosity" (Writing and Difef rence, p. 293). 

The old epoch is ending, and a new form of horror is arriving for which we do not even have a word. Maybe it will be called a new fascist era. Or maybe it will be called the living hell of deconstructionism. But Derrida urges his cohorts forward, recommending that they not look back with nostalgia at the old world of western civilization they are determined to bury. 

Let us act, he says, like Nietzsche's superman whose "laughter will then break out toward a return which will no longer have the form of the metaphysical return of humanism any more than it will undoubtedly take the form 'beyond' metaphysics, of the memorial or of the guard of the sense of being, or the form of the house and the truth of Being. He will dance, outside of the house, that aktive Vergesslichkeit, that active forgetfulness (oubliance) and that cruel (grausam) feast [which] is spoken of in the Genealogy of Morals. No doubt Nietzsche called upon an active forgetfulness (oubliance) of Being which would not have had the metaphysical form which Heidegger ascribed to it" (Margins of Philosophy, p. 163). 

An admirer of Artaud How Derrida might be found celebrating is suggested by his abiding interest in the well-known French cultural degenerate Antonin Artaud, to whom Derrida has dedicated a great deal of admiring attention over the years. Artaud, we recall, was yet another profoundly disturbed personality who was repeatedly committed to mental institutions , where he spent the years from 1937 to 1946, approximately the last decade of his life , and who is known for his "theatre of cruelty." Writing and Difef rence contains not one but two essays on Artaud , "La Parole Souftee" ("The Whispered Word") and "The Theater of Cruelty and the Closure of Representation." 

Derrida is also a co-editor, with Paule Thevenin, of a collection of Artaud's sketches and portraits published with' full-color plates by Gallimard-NRF in 1986. To this volume Derrida has contributed an essay. Artaud's drawings and paintings are pathetic and sick, but Derrida obviously takes them very seriously. Artaud must rank as an influence of the very first magnitude upon our philosopher. Let us sample "The Whispered Word" for satanic , pornographic, and coprophilic motifs.


Weak stomachs should skip this paragraph. Derrida writes: 

"Let us not be detained here by a possible resemblance to the essence of the mythic itself: the dream of a life without difference. Let us ask, rather, what difference within the flesh might mean for Artaud. My body has been stolen from me by effraction. The Other, the Thief, the Great Furtive One , has a proper name: God. His history has taken place. It has its own place. The place of effraction can be only the opening of an orifice. The orifice of birth, the orifice of defecation to which all other gaps refer, as if to their origin. . . . 'Now, the hideous history of the Demiurge/ is well known! It is the history of the body/ which pursued (and did not follow) mine/ and which, in order to go first and be born,/ projected itself across my body/ and! was born! through the disemboweling of my body/ of which he kept a piece/ in order to/ pass himself off/ as me. ' . . . God is thus the proper name of that which deprives us of our own nature, of our own birth; consequently he will always have spoken before us , on the sly . . . . In any event, God the Demiurge does not create, is not life, but is the subject of oeuvres and maneuvers , is the thief, the trickster, the counterfeiter, the pseudonymous , the usurper, the opposite of the creative artist, the artisanal being, the being of the artisan: Satan, I am God and God is Satan. . . . The history of God is thus the history of excrement. Scato-Iogy itself . . , . 'For one must have a mind in order/ to shit,/ a pure body c􀅛notl shit.! What it shitsl is the glue of minds/ furiously d􀅜ermined to steal something from him! for without a body o􀁊e cannot exist' (84, p. 1 13).

One can read in 'Nerve-Scale􀅝' : 'Dear Friends, What you took to be my works were only! my waste matter. ' . . . Like excrement, like the turd, whic􀁉 is, as is also well known, a metaphor of the penis, the worklshould stand upright" (Writing and Difef rence, pp. 180- 18􀅞). 

Imposed meaning ! In the meantime, since nothipg has any meaning anyway, the exterminating angels of d􀅟onstructionism are free to impose any meaning they wan􀅠 simply by an act of force. Nietzsche himself had claimed 􀅡at the same text authorizes innumerable interpretations: thfre is no correct interpretation. The Will to Power docuients Nietzsche' s idea that there is no meaning to be disc ered anywhere, but only a meaning that must be imposed om the outside by whoever has the stronger will to power 􀁋 "Ultimately, man finds in things nothing but what he hims􀅢lf has imported into them." This is now standard campus ex􀁈getical practice. Philosophical hucksters hav􀁇 always played games with dualisms, or with what deconsttuctionists call binary pairs. Many phenomena exhibit such japparent dualism, as in the cases of cause-effect, spirit-ma􀁆er, speech-writing, and so forth. The secret of these app􀅣nt dualisms is that as they are better understood they revealjunderlying coherence, since all of them must coexist in the 􀅤ame universe and are governed by the same lawfulness. lIucksters like Derrida have made a living for thousands of years by picking up one side of the dualism, and stressing 􀀦at to the exclusion of all else. Derrida talks about "the cqupled oppositions on which philosophy is constructed" (Ma􀃔gins of Philosophy, p. 18). He says that these always contain "a violent hierarchy. One of the two terms controls the ott1er (axiologically, logically, etc.), holds the superior position!. To deconstruct the opposition is first . . . to overthrow i the hierarchy" (Positions, p. 57). 

The subordinated term is placed on top, then removed from the dualistic pair, and finally given a new jargon name to signify its new top banana 􀁅tatus. Take, for example, the well-known dualism of men-􀅥omen. To reverse sexism, exalt women over men, and the* change their name to "womyn" to remove the residue of t􀅦 previous dualistic pairing. 

Any campus will immediately o􀁄ffer dozens of such examples, usually of incredible banal􀅧.

The 'New Criticism' 
After Derrida' s 1966 appeatlmce at Johns Hopkins, deconstructionists began to coloni􀅨e U.S. university faculties. They did not find employment first as professors of philosophy, but usually as literary cri*s in English, French, Romance language, and comparatjive literature departments. These English departments es􀁃ially were still dominated in those days by a school of litetary studies called the New Criticism . New Criticism had grown up with a group of Confederate nostalgics at Vanderbilt University who called themselves the Southern Agrarians . 

In their manifesto , entitled "I'll Take My Stand," these old New Critics came out against modem technology , industry, and urban life . John Crowe Ransom, Alan Tate , Cleanth Brooks , and others taught their students to disregard history , biography , authorship , and other relevant information and focus exclusively on "texts ," understood as pieces of writing floating in a void . The result was that most English departments had given up any idea of reality and confined their attention to such fetishized "texts" long before Derrida had come along . These departments became the line of least resistance to deconstructionist infiltration . Some of the New Critics exhibited fascist sympathies , and this reminds us of the case of Paul de Man , the Belgianborn literary critic who helped make Yale University ' s highpowered English Department the leading American nest for deconstructionists during the late 1970s and early 1980s . 

In 1988 , some years after his death , De Man was widely accused of having written collaborationist , pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic articles for the Belgian newspaper Le Soir of Brussels between 1941 and 1943. These articles have since been published. Derrida and many other deconstructionists , including Geoffrey Hartman , rushed to defend their former colleague . Deconstructionism has never been characterized by high moral tension . De Man himself had once written: "It is always possible to excuse any guilt, because the experience exists simultaneously as fictional discourse and as empirical event and it is never possible to decide which one of the two possibilities is the right one . The indecision makes it possible to excuse the bleakest of crimes" (see Allegories of Reading) . This may be how the Serbian killer Karadzic thinks about his own activities . No one should look forward to appearing in court before judges who have been trained in "critical legal studies , " which is the expansion of deconstruction into law schools which Derrida has been busy promoting . A deconstructionist judge would have no problem in showing that expressions like "due process" or habeas corpus are full of aporia and thus meaningless . After examining the cases of Heidegger and De Man , plus the implications of Derrida' s own work, it would be perfectly in order to brand deconstructionism as fascism warmed over. But this may not convey the magnitude of what the deconstructionists are attempting . At the present moment, the banner of deconstructionism is the rallying point for regrouping every epistemological obscenity of the last hundred years , including Nietzsche , Heidegger, Freud , Nazis , fascists , and the rest. Shortly after the Berlin Wall came down , Derrida spoke at a symposium in Turin , Italy , and indicated what his next move would be . At the very moment when Europe had a chance for historical renewal , Derrida talked about Europe , which he inevitably described as "the point of a phallus . " Derrida repeated his usual litany that Europe is old and exhausted, that Europe must make itself into something that it is not, far out of the European tradition . Then he announced that it was time to go back to Marx so as to be able to deconstruct both left-wing dogmatism and the counter-dogmatism of the right. This will allow a new critique of the new evils of capitalism . The main thing , he stressed , is to tolerate and respect everything that is not placed under the authority of reason . Since Derrida has never written at length about Marx , this represents his bid to bring former and future communists into his phalanx as well . Deconstruction thus advances its candidacy to become the undisputed focus of intellectual evil in the late twentieth century .

  References

Jacques Derrida, Antonin Artaud: Dessins et portraits, (Paris: Gallimard- NRF, 1 986) .

Jacques Derrida, La dissemination, (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1 972); in English as Dissemination, translated by Barbara Johnson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1 98 1 ) .

 Jacques Derrida, Glas, translated by John P . Leavey (Lincoln, Neb . : University o f Nebraska Press, 1 986); French edition (Editions Galilee, 1 974) . Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology, translated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Unversity Press, 1 976) .

Jacques Derrida, "The Laws of Reflection: Nelson Mandela, in Admiration ," in For Nelson Mandela, edited by Jacques Derrida and Mustapha Tlili (New York: Henry Holt, 1 987) . Jacques Derrida, Limited Inc (Evanston, Ill . : Northwestern University Press, 1 988); "Limited a b c" is an essay in this collection. Jacques Derrida, Marges de la philosophe, (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1 972) .

Translated as Margins of Philosophy, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1 982) . Jacques Derrida, The Other Heading: Reflections on Today' s Europe, (Bloomington, Ind . : Indiana University Press, 1 992) . Jacques Derrida, Positions, translated by Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1 98 1 ) . Published under the same title (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1 972) . One of the participants in this discussion is Mme . Julia Kristeva, a close friend of Derrida's wife and herself the wife of Phillipe Sollers, of the Tel Quel clique. Jacques Derrida, The Post Card: From Socrates to Freud and Beyond, translated by Alan Bass (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1 987) . Jacques Derrida, Speech and Phenomena, translated by David B . Allison (Evanston, Ill . : Northwestern University Press , 1 973). Jacques Derrida, "Structure , Sign and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences," in Writing and Difef rence. Jacques Derrida, Ulysse Gramophone: Deux Mots pour Joyce, (Paris: Galilee, 1 987) . Jacques Derrida, Writing and Difef rence, translated by Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1 978) . 


Dinesh D' Souza, I/liberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus, (New York: Macmillan, 1 99 1 ) . Didier Eribon, Michel Foucault, translated by Betsy Wing (Cambridge, Mass . : Harvard University Press, 1 99 1 ) . Roger Kimball, Tenured Radicals. James Miller, The Passion of Michel Foucault, (New Y Ofk: Simon and Schuster, 1 993) . Christopher Norris, Deconstruction and the Interests of Theory, (Norman, Okla. and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989) . Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Mocire, Jr. , and Herbert Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968) .

Tuesday 2 February 2021

History of the Kings of Britain



History of the Kings of Britain/Giles 1848 Book 1

Translation by Aaron Thompson & J. A. Giles (1842). From Giles (ed), Six Old English Chronicles, 1948; see also annotated version

1

CHAP. I.—The epistle dedicatory to Robert Earl of Gloucester.
WHILST occupied on many and various studies, I happened to light upon the History of the Kings of Britain, and wondered that in the account which Gildas and Bede, their elegant treatises, had given of them, I found nothing said of those kings who lived here before the Incarnation of Christ, nor of Arthur, and many others who succeeded after the Incarnation; though their actions both deserved immortal fame, and were also celebrated by many people in a pleasant manner and by heart, as if they had been written. Whilst I was intent upon these and such like thoughts, Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, a man of great eloquence, and learned in foreign histories, offered me a very ancient book in the British tongue, which, in a continued regular story and elegant style, related the actions of them all, from Brutus the first king of the Britons, down to Cadwallader the son of Cadwallo. At his request, therefore, though I had not made fine language my study, by collecting florid expressions from other authors, yet contented with my own homely style, I undertook the translation of that book into Latin. For if I had swelled the pages with rhetorical flourishes, I must have tired my readers, by employing their attention more upon my words than upon the history. To you, therefore, Robert, Earl of Gloucester, this work humbly sues for the favour of being so corrected by your advice, that it may not be thought to be the poor offspring of Geoffrey of Monmouth, but when polished by your refined wit and judgment, the production of him who had Henry the glorious king of England for his father, and whom we see an accomplished scholar and philosopher, as well as a brave soldier and expert commander; so that Britain with joy acknowledged, that in you she possesses another Henry.

2

CHAP. II.—The first inhabitants of Britain.
BRITAIN, the best of islands, is situated in the Western Ocean, between France and Ireland, being eight hundred miles long, and two hundred broad. It produces every thing that is useful to man, with a plenty that never fails. It abounds with all kinds of metal, and has plains of large extent, and hills fit for the finest tillage, the richness of whose soil affords variety of fruits in their proper seasons. It also has forests well stocked with all kinds of wild beasts; in its lawns cattle find good change of pasture, and bees variety of flowers for honey. Under its lofty mountains lie green meadows pleasantly situated, in which the gentle murmurs of crystal springs gliding along clear channels, give those that pass an agreeable invitation to lie down on their banks and slumber. It is likewise well watered with lakes and rivers abounding with fish; and besides the narrow sea which is on the Southern coast trowards France, there are three noble rivers, stretching out like three arms, namely, the Thames, the Severn, and the Humber; by which foreign commodities from all countries and brought into it. It was formerly adorned with eight and twenty cities, of which some are in ruins and desolate, others are still standing, beautified with lofty church-towers, wherein religious worship is performed according to the Christian institution. It is lastly inhabited by five different nations, the Britons, Romans, Saxons, Picts, and Scots; whereof the Britons before the rest did formerly possess the whole island from sea to sea, till divine vengeance, punishing them for their pride, made them give way to the Picts and Saxons. But in what manner, and from whence, they first arrived here, remains now to be related in what follows.

3

CHAP. III.—Brutus, being banished after the killing of his parents, goes into Greece.
AFTER the Trojan war, Æneas, flying with Ascanius from the destruction of their city, sailed to Italy. There he was honourably received by king Latinus, which raised against him the envy of Turnus, king of the Rutuli, who thereupon made war against him. Upon their engaging in battle, Æneas got the victory, and having killed Turnus, obtained the kingdom of Italy, and with it Lavinia the daughter of Latinus. After his death, Ascanius, succeeding in the kingdom, built Alba upon the Tiber, and begat a son named Sylvius, who, in pursuit of a private amour, took to wife a niece of Lavinia. The damsel soon after conceived, and the father Ascanius, coming to the knowledge of it, commanded his magicians to consult of what sex the child should be. When they satisfied themselves in the matter, they told him she would give birth to a boy, who would kill his father and mother, and after travelling over many countries in banishment, would at last arrive at the highest pitch of glory. Nor where they mistaken in their prediction; for at the proper time the woman brought forth a son, and died of his birth; but the child was delivered to a nurse and called Brutus.

At length, after fifteen years were expired, the youth accompanied his father in hunting, and killed him undesignedly by the shot of an arrow. For, as the servants were driving up the deer towars them, Brutus, in shooting at them, smote his father under the breast. Upon his death, he was expelled from Italy, his kinsmen being enraged at him for so heinous a deed. Thus banished he went into Greece, where he found the posterity of Helenus, son of Priamus, kept in slavery by Pandrasus, king of the Greeks. For, after the destruction of Troy, Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. had brought hither in chains Helenus and many others; and to revenge on them the death of his father, had given command that they should be held in captivity. Brutus, finding thy were by descent his old countrymen, took up his abod among them, and began to distinguish himself by his conduct and bravery in war, so as to gain the affection of kings and commanders, and above all the young men of the country. For he was esteemed a person of great capacity both in council and war, and signalized his generosity to his soldiers, by bestowing them all the money and spoil he got. His fame, therefore, spreading over all countries, the Trojans from all parts began to flock to him, desiring under his command to be freed from subjection to the Greeks; which they assured him might easily be done, considering how much their number was now increased in the country, being seven thousand strong, besides women and children. There was likewise then in Greece a noble youth named Assaracus, a favourer of their cause. For he was descended on his mother's side from the Trojans, and placed great confidence in them, that he might be able by their assistance to oppose the designs of the Greeks. For his brother had a quarrel with him for attempting to deprive him of three castles which his father had given him at his death, on account of his being only the son of a concubine; but as the brother was a Greek, both by his father's and mother's side, he had prevailed with the king and the rest of the Greeks to espouse his cause. Brutus, having taken a view of the number of his men, and sen how Assaracus's castles lay open to him, complied with their request.

4

CHAP. IV.—Brutus's letter to Pandrasus.'
BEING therefore, chosen their commander, he assembled the Trojans from all parts, and fortified the towns belonging to Assaracus. But he himself, with Assaracus and the whole body of men and women that adhered to him, retired to the woods and hills, and then sent a letter to the king in these words:—

"Brutus, general of the remainder of the Trojans, to Pandrasus, king of the Greeks, sends greeting. As it was beneath the dignity of a nation descended from the illustrious race of Dardanus, to be treeated in your kingdom otherwise than the nobility of their birth required, they have betaken themselves to the protection of the woods. For they have preferred living after the manner of wild beasts, upon flesh and herbs, with the enjoyment of liberty, to continuing longer in the greatest luxury under the yoke of slavery. If this gives your majesty any offence, impute it not to them, but pardon it; since it is the common sentiment of every captive, to be desirous of regaining his former dignity. Let pity therefore move you to bestow on them freely their lost liberty, and permit them to inhabit the thickest of the woods, to which they have retired to avoid slavery. But if you deny them this favour, then by your permission and assistance let them depart into some foreign country."

5

CHAP. V.—Brutus falling upon the forces of Pandrasus by surprise, routs them, and takes Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus, with Anacletus, prisoner.
PANDRASUS, perceiving the purport of the letter, was beyond measure surprised at the boldness of such a message from those whom he had kept in slavery; and having called a council of his nobles, he determined to raise an army in order to pursue them. But while he was upon his march to the desers, where he thought they were, and to the town of Sparatinum, Brutus made a sally with three thousand men, and fell upon him unawares. For having intelligence of his coming, he had got into the town the night before, with a design to break forth upon them unexpectedly, while unarmed and marching without order. The sally being made, the Trojans briskly attack them, and endeavour to make great slaughter. The Greeks, astonished, immediately give way on all sides, and with the king at their head, hasten to pass the river Akalon, which runs near the place; but in passing are in great danger from the rapidity of the stream. Brutus galls them in their flight, and kills some of them in the stream, but some on the banks; and running to and fro, rejoices to see them in both places exposed to ruin. But Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus, grieved at the sight, ralled his scattered troops, and made a quick return upon the furious Trojans; for he rather chose to die making a brave resistance, than to be drowned in a muddy pool in a shameful flight. Thus attended with a close body of men, he encouraged them to stand their ground, and employed his whole force against the enemy with great vigour, but to little or no purpose; for the Trojans had arms, but the others none; and from this advantage they were more eager in the pursuit, and made a miserable slaughter; nor did they give over the assault till they had made nearly a total destruction, and taken Antigonus, and Anacletus his companion prisoners.

6

CHAP. VI.—The town of Sparatinum besieged by Pandrasus.
BRUTUS, after the victory, reinforced the town with six hundred men, and then retired to the woods, where the Trojan people were expecting his protection. In the meantime Pandrasus, grieving at his own flight and his brother's captivity, endeavoured that night to re-assemble his broken forces, and the next morning went with a body of people which he had got together, to besiege the town, into which he supposed Brutus had put himself with Antigonus and the rest of the prisoners that he had taken. As soon as he was arrived at the walls, and had viewed the situation of the castle, he divided his army into several bodies, and placed them round it in different stations. One party was chargeed not to suffer any of the besieged to go out; another to turn the courses of the rivers; and a third to beat down the walls with battering rams and other engines. In obedience to those commands, they laboured with their utmost force to distress the besieged; and night coming on, made choice of thir bravest men to defend the camp and tents from the incursions of the enemy, while the rest, who were fatigued with labour, refreshed themselves with sleep.

7

CHAP. VII.—The besieged ask assistance of Brutus.
BUT the besieged, standing on the top of the walls, were no less vigourous to repel the forces of the enemies' engines, and assault them with their own, and cast forth darts and firebrands with a unanimous resolution to make a valiant defence. And when a breach was made through the wall, they compelled the enemy to retire, by throwing upon them fire and scalding water. But being distressed through scarcity of provision and daily labour, they sent an urgent message to Brutus, to hasten to their assistance, for they were afraid they might be so weakened as to be obliged to quit the town. Brutus, though desirous of relieving them, was under great perplexity, as he had not men enough to stand a pitched battle, and therefore made use of a strategem, by which he proposed to enter the enemies' camp by night, and having deceived their watch to kill them in their sleep. But because he knew this was impracticable without the concurrence and assistance of some Greeks, he called to him Anacletus, the companion of Antigonus, and with a drawn sword in his hand, spake to him after this manner:—

"Noble youth! your own and Antigonus's life is now at an end, unless you will faithfully perform what I command you. This night I design to invade the camp of the Greeks, and fall upon them unawares, but am afraid of being hindered in the attempt if the watch should discover the strategem. Since it will be necessary, therefore, to have them killed first, I desire to make use of you to deceive them, that I may have the easier access to the rest. Do you therefore manage this affair cunningly. At the second hour of the night go to the watch, and with fair speeches tell them that you have brought away Antigonus from prison, and that he is come to the bottom of the woods, where he lies hid among the shrubs, and cannot get any farther, by reason of the fetters with which you shall pretend he that is bound. Then you shall conduct them, as if it were to deliver him, to the end of the wood, where I will attend with a band of men ready to kill them."

8

CHAP. VIII.—Anacletus, in fear of death, betrays the army of the Greeks.
ANACLETUS, seeing the sword threatening him with immediate death while these words were being pronounced, was so terrified as to promise upon oath, that on condition he and Antigonus should have longer life granted them, he would execute his command. Accordingly, the agreement being confirmed, at the second hour of the night he directs his way towards the Grecian camp, and when he was come near to it, the watch, who were then narrowly examining all the places where any one could hide, ran out from all parts to meet him, and demanded the occasion of his coming, and whether it was not to betray the army. He, with a show of great joy, made the following answer:—"I come not to betray my country, but having made my escape from the prison of the Trojans, I fly thither to desire you would go with me to Antigonus, whom I have delivered from Brutus's chains. For being not able to come with me for the weight of his fetters, I have a little while ago caused him to lie hid among the shrubs at the end of the wood, till I could meet with some one whom I might conduct to his assistance." While they were in suspense about the truth of this story, there came one who knew him, and after he had saluted him, told them where he was; so that now, without any hesitation, they quickly called their absent companions, and followed him to the wood where he had told them Antigonus lay hid. But at length, as they were going mong the shrubs, Brutus with his armed bands springs forth, and falls upon them, while under the greatest astonishment, with a most cruel slaughter. From thence he marches directly to the siege, and divides his men into three bands, assigning to each of the a different part of the camp, and telling them to advance discreetly, and without noise, and when entered, not to kill any body till he with his company should be possessed of the king's tent, and should cause the trumpet to sound for a signal.

9

CHAP. IX.—The taking of Pandrasus.
WHEN he had given them these instructions, they forthwith aoftly entered the camp in silnce, and taking their appointed stations, awaited the promised signal, with Brutus delayed not to give as soon as he had got before the tent of Pandrasus, to assault which was the thing he most desired. At hearing the signal, they forthwith draw their swords, enter in among the men in their sleep, make quick destruction of them, and allowing no quarter, in this manner traverse the whole camp. The rest, awaked at the groans of the dying, and seeing their assailants, were like sheep seized with a sudden fear; for they despaired of life, since they had neither time to take arms, nor to escape by flight. They run up and down without arms among the armed, whithersoever the fury of the assault hurries them, but are on all sides cut down by the enemy rushing in. Some that might have escaped, were in the eagerness of flight dashed against rocks, trees, or shrubs, and increased the misery of their death. Others, that had only a shield, or some such covering for their defence, in venturing upon the same rocks to avoid death, fell down in the hurry and darkness of the night, and broke either legs or arms. Others, that escaped both these disasters, but did not know whither to fly, were drowned in the adjacent rivers; and scarcely one got aay without some unhappy accident befalling him. Besides, the garrison in the town, upon notice of the coming of their fellow soldiers, sallied forth, and redoubled the slaughter.

10

CHAP. X.—A consultation about what is to be asked of the captive king.
BUT Brutus, as I said before, having possessed himself of the king's tent, made it his business to keep him a safe prisoner; for he knew he could more easily attain his ends by preserving his life than by killing him; but the party that was with him, allowing no quarter, made an atter destruction in that part which they had gained. The night being spent in this manner, when the next morning discovered to their view so great an overthrow of the enemy, Brutus, in transports of joy, gave full liberty to his men to do what they pleased with the plunder, and then entered the town with the king, to stay there till they had shared it among them; which done, he again fortified the castle, gave orders for burying the slain, and retired with his forces to the woods in great joy for the victory. After the rejoicings of his people on this occasion, their renowned general summoned the oldest of them and asked their advice, what he had best desire of Pandrasus, who, being now in their power, would readily grant whatever they would request of him, in order to regain his liberty. They, according to their different fancies, desired different things; some urged him to request that a certain part of the kingdom might be assigned them for their habitation; others that he would demand leave to deprt, and to be supplied with necessaries for their voyage. After they had been a long time in suspense what to do, one of them, named Mempricius, rose up, and having made silence, spoke to them thus:—

"What can be the occasion of your suspense, fathers, in a matter which I think so much concerns your safety? The only thing you can request, with any prospect of a firm peace and security to yourselves and your posterity, is liberty to depart. For if you make no better terms with Pandrasus for his life than only to have some part of the country assigned you to live among the Greeks, you will never enjoy a lasting peace while the brothers, sons, or grandsons of those whom you killed yesterday shall continue to be your neighbours. So long as the memory of their fathers' deaths shall remain, they will be your mortal enemies, and upon the least trifling provocation will endeavour to revenge themselves. Nor will you be sufficiently numerous to withstand so great a multitude of people. And if you shall happen to fall out among yourselves, their number will daily increase, yours diminish. I propose, therefore, that you request of him his eldest daughter, Ignoge, for a wife for our general, and with her, gold, silver, corn, and whatever else shall be necessary for our voyage. If we obtain this, we may with his leave remove to some other country."

11

CHAP. XI.—Pandrasus gives his daughter Ignoge in marriage to Brutus, who, after his departure from Greece, falls upon a desert island, where he is told by oracle of Diana what place he is to inhabit.
WHEN he had ended his speech, in words to this effect, the whole assembly acquiesced in his advice, and moved that Pandrasus might be brought in among them, and condemned to a most cruel death unless he would grant this request. He was immediately brought in, and being placed in a chair above the rest, was informed of the tortures prepared for him unless he would do what was commanded him, he made them this answer:—

"Since my ill fate has delivered me and my brother Antigonus, I can do no other than grant your request, lest a refusal may cost us our lives, which are now entirely in your power. In my opinion life is preferable to all other considerations; therefore, wonder not that I am willing to redeem it ast so great a price. But though it is against my inclination that I obey your commands, yet it seems matter of comfort to me that I am to give my daughter to so noble a youth, whose descent from the illustrous race of Priamus and Anchises is clear, both from that greatness of mind which appears in him, and the certain accounts we have had of it. For who less than he could have released from their chains the banished Trojans, when reduced under slavery to so many great princes? Who else could have encouraged them to make head against the Greeks? or with so small a body of men vanquished so numerous and powerful an army, and taken their king prisoner in the engagement? And, therefore, since this noble youth has gained so much glory by the oposition which he has made to me, I give him my daughter Ignoge, and also gold, silver, corn, wine, and oil, and whatever you shall find necessary for your voyage. If you shall alter your resolution, and think fit to continue among the Greeks, I will grant you the third part of my kingdom for your habitation; if not, I will faithfully perform my promise, and for your greater security will stay as a hostage among you till I have made it good."

Accordingly he held a council, and directed messengers to all the shores of Greece, to get ships together; which done, he delivered them to the Trojans, to the number of three hundred and twenty-four, laden with all kinds of provision, and married his daughter to Brutus. He made also a present of gold and silver to each man according to his quality. When everything was performed the king was set at liberty; and the Trojans, and released from his power, set sail with a fair wind. But Ignoge, standing upon the stern of the ship, swooned away several times in Brutus's arms, and with many sighs and tears lamented the leaving her parents and country, nor ever turned her eyes from the shore while it was in sight. Brutus, meanwhile, endeavoured to assuage her grief by kind words and embraces intermixed with kisses, and ceased not from these blandishments till she grew weary of crying and fell asleep. During these and other accidents, the winds continued fair for two days and a night together, when at length they arrived at a certain island called Leogecia, which had been formery wasted by the incursions of pirates, and was then uninhabited. Brutus, not knowing this, sent three hundrd armed men ashore to see who inhabited it; but they finding nobody, killed several kinds of wild beasts which they ment in the groves and woods, and came to a desolate city, in which they found a temple of Diana, and in it a statue of that goddess which gave answers to those that came to consult her. 

At last, loading themselves with the prey which they had taken in hunting, they return to their ships, and give their companions an account of this country and city. Then they advised their leader to go to the city, and after offering sacrifices, to inquire of the deity of the place, what country was allotted them for their place of settlement. To this proposal all assented; so that Brutus, attended with Gerion, the augur, and twelve of the oldest men, set forward to the temple, with all things necessary for the sacrifice. Being arrived at the place, and presenting themselves before the shrine with garlands about their temples, as the ancient rites required, they made three fires to the three deities, Jupiter, Mercury, and Diana, and offered acrifices to each of them. Brutus himself, holding before the altar of the goddess a consecrated vessel filled with wine, and the blood of a White Hart, with his face looking up to the image, broke silence in these words:—
"Diva potents nemorum, terror sylvestribus apris;
   Cui licet amfractus ire æthereos,
Infernasque domos; terrestria jura resolve,
   Et dic quas terras nos habitare velis?
Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in ævum,
   Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris!"
Goddess of woods, tremendous in the chase
To mountain board, and all the savage race!
Wide o'er the ethereal walks extend thy sway,
And o'er the infernal masions void of day!
Look upon us on earth! unfold our fate,
And say what region is our destines seat?
Where shall we next thy lasting temples raise?
And choirs of virgins celebrate thy praise?
These words he repeated nine times, after which he took four turns round the altar, poured the wine into the fire, and then laid himlsef down upon the hart's skin, which he had sprwad before the altar, where he fell asleep. About the third hour of the night, the usual time for deep sleep, the goddess seemed to present herself before him, and foretell his future success as follows:—
"Brute! sub accasum solis trans Gallica regna
   Insula in oceano est undique clausa mari:
Insula in oceano est habitata gigantibus olim,
   Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuis.
Hanc pete, namque tibi sedes erit illa perennis:
   Sic fiet natis altera Troja tuis.
Sic de prole tua reges nascentur: et ipsis
   Totius terræ subditus orbus erit."
Brutus! there lies beyond the Gallic bounds
An island which the western sea surrounds,
By giants once possessed, now few remain
To bar thy entrance, or obstruct thy reign.
To reach that happy shore thy sails employ
There fate decrees to raise a second Troy
And found an empire in thy royal line,
Which time shall ne'er destroy, nor bounds confine.
Awakened by the vision, he was for some time in doubt with himself, whether what he had seen was a dream or a real appearance of The Goddess herself, foretelling to what land he should go. At last he called to his companions, and related to them in order the vision he had in his sleep, at which they very much rejoiced, and were urgent to return to their ships, and while the wind favoured them, to hasten their voyage towards the west, in pursuit of what the goddess had promised. Without delay, therefore, they returned to their company, and set sail again, and after a course of thirty days came to Africa, being ignorant as yet whither to steer. From thence they came to the Philenian altars, and to a place called Salinae, and sailed between Ruscicada and the moutains of Azara, where they underwent great danger from pirates, whom, notwithstanding, they vanquished, and enriched themselves with their spoils.

12

CHAP. XII.—Brutus enters Aquitaine with Corineus.
FROM thence, passing the river Malua, they arrived at Mauritania, where at last, for want of provisions, they were obliged to go ashore; and, dividing themselves into several bands, they laid waste the whole country. When they had well stored their ships, they steered to the Pillars of Hercules, where they saw some of those sea monsters, called Syrens, which surrounded their ships, and very nearly overturned them. However, they made a shift to escape, and came to the Tyrrhenian Sea, upon the shores of which they found several nations descended from the banished Trojans, that had accompanied Antenor in his flight. The name of their commander was Corineus, a modest man in matters of council, and of great courage and boldness, who, in an encounter with any person, even of gigantic stature, would immediately overthrow him,as if he were a child. When they understood from whom he was descended, they joined company with him and those under his government, who from the name of their leader were afterwards called the Cornish people, and indeed were more serviceable to Brutus than the rest in all his engagements. From there they came to Aquitaine, and entering the mouth of the Loire, cast anchor. There they stayed seven days and viewed the country. Goffarius Pictus, who was king of Aquitaine at that time, having an account brought him of the arrival of a foreign people with a great fleet upon his coasts, sent ambassadors to them to demand whether they brought with them peace or war. The ambassadors, on their way towards the fleet, met Corineus, who was come out with two hundred men, to hunt in the woods. They demanded of him, who gave him leave to enter the king's forests, and kill his game; (which by an ancient law nobody was allowed to do without leave from the prince.) Corineus answered, that as for that matter there was no occasion for asking leave; upon which one of them, named Imbertus, rushing forward, with a full drawn bow levelled a shot at him. Corineus avoids the arrow and immediately runs up to him, and with his bow in his hand breaks his head. The rest narrowly escaped, and carried the news of this disaster to Goffarius. The Pictavian general was struck with sorrow for it, and immediately raised a vast army, to revenge the death of his ambassador. Brutus, on the other hand, upon hearing the rumour of his coming, sends away the women and children to the ships, which he took care to be well guarded, and commands them to stay there, while he, with the rest that were able to bear arms, should go to meet the army. At last an assault being made, a bloody fight ensued; in which after a great part of the day had been spent, Corineus was ashamed to see the Aquitanians so bravely stand their ground, and the Trojans maintaining the fight without victory. He therefore takes fresh courage, and drawing off his men to the right wing, breaks in upon the very thickest of the enemies, where he made such slaughter on every side, that at last he broke the line and put them all to flight. In this encounter he lost his sword, but by good fortune, met with a battle-axe, with which he clave down to the waist every one that stood in his way. Brutus and every body else, both friends and enemies, were amazed at his courage and strength, for he brandished about his battle-axe among the flying troops, and terrified them not a litte with these insulting words, "Whither fly ye, cowards? whither fly ye, base wretches? stand your ground, that ye may encounter Corineus. What! for shame! do so many thousands of you fly one man? However, take this comfort for your flight, that you are pursued by one, before whom the Tyrrhenian giants could not stand their ground, but fell down slain in heaps together."

13

CHAP. XIII.—Goffarius routed by Brutus.
ATT these words one of them, named Subardus, who was a consul, returns with three hundred men to assault him; but Corineus with his shield wards off the blow, and lifting up his battle-axe gave him such a stroke upon the top of his helmet, that at once he clave him down to the waist; and then rushing upon the rest he made terrible slaughter by wheeling about his battle-axe among them, and, running to and fro, seemed more anxious to inflict blows on the enemy than careful to avoid those which they aimed at him. Some had their hands and arms, some their very shoulders, some again their heads, and others their legs cut off by him. All fought with him only, and he alone seemed to fight with all. Brutus seeing him thus beset, out of regard to him, runs with a band of men to his assistance: at which the battle is again renewed with vigour on with loud shouts, and great numbers slain on both sides. But now the Trojans presently gain the victory, and put Goffarius with his Pictavians to flight. The king after a narrow escape went to several parts of Gaul, to procure succours among such princes as were related or known to him. At that time Gaul was subject twelve princes, who with equal authority possessed the whole country. These received him courteously, and promise with one consent to expel the foreigners from Aquitaine.

14

CHAP. XIV.—Brutus, after his victory with Goffarius, ravages Aquitaine with fire and sword.
BRUTUS, in joy for the victory, enriches his men with the spoils of the slain, and then, dividing them into several bodies, marches into the country with a design to lay it waste, and load his fleet with the spoil. With this view he sets the cities on fire, seizes the riches that were in them, destroys the fields, and makes dreadful slaughter among the citizens and common people, being unwilling to leave so much as one alive of tht wretched nation. While he was making this destruction over all Aquitaine, he came to a place where the city of Tours now stands, which he afterwards built, as Homer testifies. As soon as he had looked out a place convenient for the purpose, he pitched his camp there, for a place of safe retreat, when occasion should require. For he was afraid on account of Goffarius's approach with the kings and princes of Gaul, and a very great army, which was now come near the place, ready to give him battle. Having therefore finished his camp, he expected to engage with Goffarius in two days' time, placing the utmost confindence in the conduct and courage of the young men under his command.

15

CHAP. XV.—Goffarius's fight with Brutus.
GOFFARIUS, being informed that the Trojans were in those parts, marched day and night, till he came within a close view of Brutus's camp; and then with a stern look and disdainful smile, broke out into these expressions, "Oh wretched fate! Have these base exiles made a camp also in my kingdom? Arm, arm, soldiers, and march through their thickest ranks: we shall soon take these pitiful fellows like sheep, and disperse them throughout our kingdom for slaves." At these words they prepared their arms, and advanced in twelve bodies towards the enemy. Brutus, on the other hand, with his forces drawn up in order, went forth boldly to meet them, and gave his men directions for their conduct, where they should assault and where they should be on the defensive. At the beginning of the attack, the Trojans had the advantage, and made a rapid slaughter of the enemy, of which there fell near two thousand, which so terrified the rest, that they were on the point of running away. But, as the victory generally falls to that side which has very much the superiority in numbers, so the Gauls, being three to one in number, though overpowered at first, yet at last joining in a great body together, broke in upon the Trojans, and forced them to retire to their camp with much slaughter. The victory this gained, they besieged them in their camp, with a design not to suffer them to stir out until they should either surrender themselves prisoners, or be cruelly starved to death with a long famine.
In the meantime, Corineus the night following entered into consultation with Brutus, and proposed to go out that night by by-ways, and conceal himself in an adjacent wood till break of day; and while Brutus should sally forth unpon the enemy in the morning twilight, he with his company would surprise them from behind and put them to slaughter. Brutus was pleased with this stratagem of Corineus, who according to his engagement got out cunningly with three thousand men, and put himself under the covert of the woods. As soon as it was day Brutus marshalled his men and opened the camp to go out to fight. The Gauls met him and begin the engagement: many thousands fall on both sides, neither party giving quarter. There was present a Trojan, named Turonus, the nephew of Brutus, inferior to none but Corineus in courage and strength of body. He alone with his sword killed six hundred men, but at last was unfortunately slain himself by the number of Gauls that rushed upon him. From him the city of Tours derived its name, because he was buried there. While both armies were thus warmly engaged, Corineus came upon them unawares, and fell fiercely upon the rear of the enemy, which put new courage into his friends on the other side, and made them exert themselves with increased vigour. The Gauls were astonished at the very should of Corineus's men, and thinking their number to be much greater than it really was, they hastily quitted the field; but the Trojans pursued them, and killed them in the pursuit, nor did they desist till they had gained a complete victory. Brutus, though in joy for this great success, was yet aflicted to observe the number of his forces daily lessened, while that of the enemy increased more and more. He was in suspense for some time, whether he had better continue the war or not, but at last he determined to return to his ships while the greater part of his followers was yet safe, and hitherto victorious, and to go in quest of the island which the goddess had told him of. So without further delay, with the consent of his company, he repaired to the fleet, and loading it with the riches and spoils he had taken, set sail with a fair wind towards the promised island, and arrived on the coast of Totness.

16

CHAP. XVI.—Albion divided between Brutus and Corineus.
THE island was then called Albion,and inhabited by none but a few giants. Notwithstanding this, the pleasant situation of the places, the plenty of rivers abounding with fish, and the engaging prospect of its woods, made Brutus and his company very desirous to fix their habitation in it. They therefore passed through all the provinces, forced the giants to fly into the caves of the mountains, and divided the country among them according to the directions of their commander. After this they began to till the ground and build houses, so that in a little time the country looked like a place that had been long inhabited. At last Brutus called the island after his own name Britain, and his companions Britons; for by these means he desired to perpetuate the memory of his name. From whence afterwards the language of the nation, which at first bore the name of Trojan, or rough Greek, was called British. But Corineus, in imitation of his leader, called that part of the island which fell to his share, Corinea, and his people Corineans, after his name; and though he had his choice of the provinces before all the rest, yet he preferred this country, which is called in Latin Cornubia, either from its being in the shape of a horn (in Latin cornu), or from the corruption of the said name. For it was a diversion to him to encounter the said giants, which were in greater numbers there than in all the other provinces that well to the share of his companions. Among the rest was one detestable monster, named Goëmagot, in stature twelve cubits, and of such prodigious strength that at one shake he pulled up an oak as if it had been a hazel wand. On a certain day, when Brutus was holding a solemn festival to the gods, in the port where they at first landed, this giant with twenty more of his companions came in upon the Britons, among whom he made a dreadful slaughter. But the Britons at last assembling together in a body, put them to the rout, and killed them every one but Goëmagot. Brutus had given orders to have him preserved alive, out of a desire to see a combat between him and Corineus, who took a great pleasure in such encounters. Corineus, overjoyed at this, prepared himself, and throwing aside his arms, challenged him to wrestle with him. At the beginning of the encounter, Corineus and the giant, standing, front to front, held each other strongly in their arms, and panted aloud for breath, but Goëmagot presently grasping Corineus with all his might, broke three of his ribs, two on his right side and one on his left. At which Corineus, highly enraged, roused up his whole strength, and snatching him upon his shoulders, ran with him, as fast as the weight would allow him, to the next shore, and there getting upon the top of a high rock, hurled down the savage monster into the sea; where falling on the sides of craggy rocks, he was torn to pieces, and coloured the waves with his blood. The place where he fell, taking its name from the giant's fall, is called Lam Goëmagot, that is, Goëmagot's Leap, to this day.

17

CHAP. XVII.—The building of new Troy by Brutus, upon the river Thames.
BRUTUS, having thus at last set eyes upon his kingdom, formed a design of building a city, and, with this view, traveled through the land to find out a convenient situation, and coming to the river Thames, he walked along the shore, and at last pitched upon a place very fit for his purpose. Here, therefore, he built a city, which he called New Troy; under which name it continued a long time after, till at last, by the corruption of the original word, at came to be called Trinovantum. But afterwards when Lud, the brother of Cassibellaun, who made war against Julius Caesar, obtained the government of the kingdom, he surrounded it with stately walls, and towers of admirable workmanship, and ordered it to be called after his name, Kaer-Lud, that is, the City of Lud. But this very thing became afterward the occasion of a great quarrel between him and his brother Nennius, who took offence at his abolishing the name of Troy in this country. Of this quarrel Gildas the historian has given a full account; for which reason I pass it over, for fear of debasing by my account of it, what so great a writer has so eloquently related.

18

CHAP. XVIII.—New Troy being built, and laws made for the government of it, it is given to the citizens that were to inhabit it.
AFTER Brutus had finished the building of the city, he made choice of the citizens that were to inhabit it, and prescribed them laws for their peaceable government. At this time Eli the priest governed in Judea, and the ark of the covenant was taken by the Philistines. At the same time, also, the sons of Hector, after the expulsion of the posterity of Antenor, reigned in Troy; as in Italy did Sylvius Aeneas, the son of Aeneas, the uncle of Brutus, and the third king of the Latins.


History of the Kings of Britain/Giles 1848 Book 2

Translation by Aaron Thompson & J. A. Giles (1842). From Giles (ed), Six Old English Chronicles, 1948; see also annotated version

1

CHAP. I.—After the death of Brutus, his three sons succeed him in the kingdom.
DURING these transactions, Brutus had by his wife Ignoge three famous sons, whose names were Locrin, Albanact, and Kamber. These, after their father's death, which happened in the twenty-fourth year after his arrival, buried him in the city which he had built, and then having divided the kingdom of Britain among them, retired each to his government. Locrin, the eldest, possessed the middle part of the island, called afterwards from his name, Loegria. Kamber had that part which lies beyond the river Severn, now called Wales, but which was for a long time named Kambria; and hence that people still call themselved in their Britis tongue Kambri. Albanact, the younger brother, possessed the country he called Albania, now Scotland. After they had a long time reigned in peace together, Humber, king of the Huns, arrived in Albania, and having killed Albanact in battle, forced his people to fly to Locrin for protection.

2

CHAP. II.—Locrin, having routed Humber, falls in love with Estrildis.
LOCRIN, at hearing this news, joined by his brother Kamber, and went with the whole strength of the kingdom to meet the king of the Huns, near the river now called Humber, where he gave him battle, and put him to the rout. Humber made towards the river in his flight. Locrin, after the victory, bestowed the plunder of the enemy upon his own men, reserving for himself the gold and silver which he found in the ships, together with three virgins of admirable beauty, whereof one was the daughter of a king in Germany, whom with the other two Humber had forcibly brought away with him, after he had ruined their country. Her name was Estrildis, and her beauty such as was hardly to be matched. No ivory or new-fallen snow, no lily could exceed the whiteness of her skin. Locrin, smitten with love, would have gladly married her, at which Corineus was extremely incensed, on account of the engagement which Locrin had entered into with him to marry his daughter.

3

CHAP. III.—Corineus resents the affront put upon his daughter.
HE went, therefore, to the king, and wielding a battle-axe in his right hand, vented his rage against him in these words: "Do you thus reward me, Locrin, for the many wounds which I have suffered under your father's command in his wars with strange nations, that you must slight my daughter, and debase yourself to marry a barbarian? While there is strength in this right hand, that has been destructive to so many giants upon the Tyrrenian coasts, I will never put up with this affront..." And repeating this again and again with a loud voice, he shook his battle-axe as if he was going to strike him, till the friends of both interposed, and after they had appeased Corineus, obliged Locrin to perform his agreement.

4

CHAP. IV.—Locrin at last marries Guendolœna, the daughter of Corineus.
Locrin therefore married Corineus's daughter, named Guendoloena, yet still retained his love for Estrildis, for whom he made apartments under ground, in which he entertained her, and caused her to be honourably attended. For he was resolved at least to carry on a private amour with her, since he could not live with her openly for fear of Corineus. In this manner he concealed her, and made frequent visits to her for seven years together, without the privity of any but his most intimate domestics; and all under a pretence of performing some secret sacrifices to his gods, by which he imposed on the credulity of every body. In th meantime Estrildis became with child, and was delivered of a most beautiful daughter, whom she named Sabre. Guendoloena was also with child, and brought forth a son, who was named Maddan, and put under the care of his grandfather Corineus to be educated.

5

CHAP. V.—Locrin is killed; Estrildis and Sabre are thrown into a river.
BUT in process of time, when Corineus was dead, Locrin divorced Guengoloena, and advanced Estrildis to be queen. Guendoloena, provoked beyond measure at this, retired into Cornwall, where she assembled together all the forces of that kingdom, and began to raise disturbances against Locrin. At last both armies joined battle near the river Sture, where Locrin was killed by the shot of an arrow. After his death, Guendoloena took upon her the government of the whole kingdom, retaining her father's furious spirit. For she commanded Estrildis and her daughter Sabre to be thrown into the river now called the Severn, and published an edict though all Britain, that the river should bear the damsel's name, hoping by this to perpetuate her memory, and by that the infamy of her husband. So that to this day the river is called in the British tongue Sabren, which by the corruption of the name is in another language Sabrina.

6

CHAP. VI.—Guendolœna delivers up the kingdom to Maddan, her son, after whom succeeds Mempricius.
GUENDOLOENA reigned fifteen years after the death of Locrin, who had reigned ten, and then advanced her son Maddan (whom she saw now at maturity) to the throne, contenting herself with the country of Cornwall for the remainder of her life. At this time Samuel the prophet governed in Judea, Sylvius Aeneas was yet living, and Homer was esteemed a famous orator and poet. Maddan, now in possession of the crown, had by his wife two sons, Mempricius and Malim, and ruled the kingdom in peace and with care forty years. As soon as he was dead, the two brothers quarrelled for the kingdom, each being ambitious of the sovereignty of the whole island. Mempricius, impatient to attain his ends, enters into treaty with Malim, under colour of making a composition with him, and, having formed a conspiracy, murdered him in the assembly where their ambassadors were met. By these means he obtained the dominion of the whole island, over which he exercised such tyranny, that he left scarcely a nobleman alive in it, and either by violence or treachery oppressed every one that he apprehended might be likely to succeed him, pursuing his hatred to the whole race. He also deserted his own wife, by whom he had a noble youth named Ebraucus, and addicted himself to sodomy, preferring unnatural lust to the pleasures of the conjugal state. At last, in the twentieth year of his reign, while he was hunting, he retired from his company into a valley, where he was surrounded by a great multitude of ravenous wolves, and devoured by them in a horrible manner. Then did Saul reign in Judea, and Eurystheus in Lacedaemonia.

7

CHAP. VII.—Ebraucus, the successor of Mempricius, conquers the Gauls, and builds the towns Kaerebrauc, &c.
MEMPRICIUS being dead, Ebraucus, his son, a man of great stature and wonderful strength, took upon him the government of Britain, which he held forty years. He was the first after Brutus who invaded Gaul with a fleet, and distressed its provinces by killing their men and laying waste their cities; and having by these means enriched himself with an infinite quantity of gold and silver, he returned victorious. After this he built a city on the other side of the Humber, which, from his own name, he called Kaerebrauc, that is, the city of Ebraucus, about the time that David reigned in Judaea, and Sylvius Latinus in Italy; and that Gad, Nathan, and Asaph prophesied in Israel. He also built the city of Alclud towards Albani, and the town of mount Agned,called at this time the Castle of Maidens, or the Mountain of Sorrow.

8

CHAP. VIII.—Ebraucus's twenty sons go to Germany, and his thirty daughters to Sylvius Alba, in Italy.
THIS prince had twenty sons and thirty daughters by twenty wives, and with great valour governed the kingdom of Britain sixty years. The names of his sons were, Brutus surnamed Greenshield, Margadud, Sisillius, Regin, Morivid, Bladud, Lagon, Bodloan, Kincar, Spaden, Gaul, Darden, Eldad, Ivor, Gangu, Hector, Kerin, Rud, Assarach, Buel. The names of his daughters were, Gloigni, Ignogni, Oudas, Guenliam, Gaudid, Angarad, Guendoloe, Tangustel, Gorgon, Medlan, Methahel, Ourar, Malure, Kambreda, Ragan, Gael, Ecub, Nest, Cheum, Stadud, Gladud, Ebren, Blagan, Aballac, Angaes, Galaes (the most celebrated beauty at that time in Britain or Gaul), Edra, Anaor, Stadial, Egron. All these daughters their father sent into Italy to Sylvius Alba, who reigned after Sylvius Latinus, where they were married among the Trojan nobility, the Latin and Sabine women refusing to associate with them. But the sons, under the conduct of their brother Assaracus, departed in a fleet to Germany, and having, with the assistance of Sylvius Alba, subdued the people there, obtained the kingdom.

9

CHAP. IX.—After Ebraucus reigns Brutus his son, after him Leil, and after Leil, Hudibras.

BUT Brutus, surnamed Greenshield, stayed with his father, whom he succeeded in the government, and reigned twelve years. After him reigned Leil, his son, a peaceful and just prince, who, enjoying a prosperous reign, built in the north of Britain a city, called by his name, Kaerleil; at the same time that Solomon began to build the temple of Jerusalem, and the queen of Sheba came to hear his widom, at which time also Sylvius Epitus succeeded his father in Alba, in Italy. Leil reigned twenty-five years, but towards the latter end of his life grew more remiss in his government, so that his neglect of affairs speedily occasioned a civil dissension in the kingdom. After him reigned his son Hudibras, thirty-nine years, and composed the civil dissension among his people. He built Kaerlem or Canterbury, Kaerguen or Winchester, and the town of Mount Paladur, now Shaftesbury. At this place an eagle spoke, while the wall of the town was being built; and indeed I should have transmitted the speech to posterity, has I thought it true, as the rest of the history. Cat this time reigned Capys, the son of Epitus, and Haggai, Amos, Joel, and Azariah, were propets in Israel.

10

CHAP. X.—Bladud succeeds Hudibras in the kingdom, and practises magical operations.
NEXT succeeded Bladud, his son, and reigned twenty years. He built Kaerbadus, now Bath, and made hot baths in it for the benefit of the public, which he dedicated to the goddess Minerva; in whose temple he kept fires that never went out nor consumed to ashes, but as soon as they began to decay were turned into balls of stone. About this time the prophet Elias prayed that it might not rain upon earth; and it did not rain for three years and six months. This prince was a very ingenious man, and taught necromancy in his kingdom, nor did he leave off pursuing his magical operations, till he attempted to fly to the upper region of the air with wings which he had prepared, and fell upon the temple of Apollo, in the city of Trinovantum, where he was dashed to pieces.

11

CHAP. XI.—Leir the son of Bladud, having no son, divides his kingdom among his daughters.
AFTER this unhappy fate of Bladud, Leir, his son was advanced to the throne, and nobly governed his country sixty years. He built, upon the river Sore a city, called in the British tongue Kaerleir, in the Saxon, Leircestre. He was without male issue, but had three daughters, whose names were Gonorilla, Regau, and Cordeilla, of whom he was dotingly fond, but especially of the youngest, Cordeilla. When he began to grow old, he had thoughts of dividing his kingdom among them, and of bestowing them on such husbands as were fit to be advanced to the government with them. But to make trial who was worthy to have the best part of his kingdom, he went to each of them to ask which of them loved him most. The question being proposed, Gonorilla the eldest, amde answer "That she called heaven to witness, she loved him more than her own soul." The father replied, "Since you have preferred my declining age before your own life, I will marry you, my dearest daughter, to whomsoever you shall make choice of, and give with you the third part of my kingdom." Then Regau, the second daughter, willing, after the example of her sister, to prevail upon her father's good nature, answered with an oath, "That she could not otherwise express her thoughts, but that she loved him above all creatures." The credulous father upon this made her the same promise that he did to her eldest sister, that is, the choice of a husband, with the third part of his kingdom. Bur Cordeilla, the youngest, understanding how easily he was satisfied with the flattering expressions of her sisters, was desirous to make trial of his affection after a different manner. "My, father," said she, "is there any daughter that can lover her father more than duty requires? In my opinion, whoever pretends it, must disguise her real sentiments under the veil of flattery. I have always loved you as a father, nor do I yet depart from my purposed duty; and if you insist to have something more extorted from me hear now the greatness of my affection, which I always bear you, and take this for a short answer to all your questions; look how much you have, so, much is your value, and so much do I love you." The father, supposing that she spoke this out of the abundance of her heart, was highly provoked, and immediately replied, "Since you have so far despised my old age as not to think me worthy the love that your sisters express for me, you shall have from me the like regard, and shall be excluded from any share with your sisters in my kingdom. Notwithstanding, I do not say but that since you are my daughter, I will marry you to some foreigner, if fortune offers you any such husband; but will never, I do assure you, make it my business to procure so honourable a match for you as for your sisters; because, though I have hitherto loved you more than them, you have in requital thought be less worthy of your affection than they." And, without further delay, after consultation with his nobility he bestowed his two other daughters upon the dukes of Cornwall and Albania, with half the island at present, but after his death, the inheritance of the whole monarchy of Britain.
It happened after this, that Aganippus, king of the Franks, having heard of the fame of Coredeilla's beauty, forthwith sent his ambassadors to the king to demand her in marriage. The father, retaining yet his anger towards her, amde answer, "That he was very willing to bestow his daughter, but without either money or territories; because he had already given away his kingdom with all his treasure to his eldest daughters, Gonorilla and Regau." When this was told Aganippus, he, being very much in love with the lady, sent again to king Leir, to tell him, "That he had money and territories enough, as he possessed the third part of Gaul, and desired no more than his daughter only, that he might have heirs by her." At last the match was concluded; Coredeilla was sent to Gaul, and married to Aganippus.

12

CHAP. XII.—Leir, finding the ingratitude of his two eldest daughters, betakes himself to his youngest, Cordeilla, in Gaul.
A long time after this, when Leir came to be infirm through old age, the two dukes, on whom he had bestowed Britain with his two daughters, fostered an insurrection against him, and depreived him of his kingdom, and of all regal authority, which he had hitherto exercised with great power and glory. At length, by mutual agreement, Maglaunus, duke of Albania, one of his sons-in-law, was to allow him a maintenance at his own house, together with sixty soldiers, who were to be kept for state. After two years' stay with his son-in-law, his daughter Gonorilla grudged the number of his men, who began to upbraid the ministers of the court with their scanty allowance; and, having spoken to her husband about it, she gave orders that the numbers of her father's followers should be reduced to thirty, and the rest discharged. The father,resenting this treatment, left Maglaunus, and went to Henuinus, duke of Cornwall, to whom he had married his daughter Regau. Here he met with an honourable reception, but before the year was at an end, a quarrel happened between the two families, which raised Regau's indignation; so that she commanded her father to discharge all his attendants but five, and to be contented with their service. This second affliction was insupportable to him, and made him return again to his former daughter, with hopes that the misery of his condition might move in her some sentiments of filial piety, and that he, with his family, might find a subsistence with her. But she, not forgetting her resentment, swore by the gods he should not stay with her, unless he would dismiss his retinue, and be contented with the attendance of one man; and with bitter reproaches she told him how ill his desire of vain-glorious pomp suited his age and poverty. When he found that she was by no means to be prevailed upon, he was at last forced to comply, and, dismissing the rest, to take up with one man only. But by this time he began to reflect more sensibly with himself upon the grandeur from whch he had fallen, the miserable state to which he was now reduced, and to enter upon thoughts of going beyond sea to his youngest daughter. Yet he doubted whether he should be abl to move her commiseration, because (as was related above) he had treated her so unworthily. However, disdaining to bear any longer such base usage, he took ship for Gaul. In his passage he observed he had only the third place given him among the princes that were with him in the ship, at which, with deep sighs and tears, he burst forth into the following complaint:—
"O irreversible decrees of the Fates, that never swerve from your stated course! why did you ever advance me to an unstable felicity, since the punishment of lost happiness is greater than the sense of present misery? The remembrance of the time when vast numbers of men obsequiously attended me in the taking of cities and wasting the enemy's countries, more deeply pierces my heart thn the view of my present calamity, which has exposed me to the derision of those who were formerly prostrate at my feet. Oh! the enmity of fortune! Shall I ever again see the day when I may be able to reward those according to their deserts who have forsaken me in my distress? How true was thy answer, Cordeilla, when I asked thee concerning thy love to me, 'As much as you have, so much is your value, and so much do I love you.' While I had anything to give they valued me, being firneds, not to me, but to my gifts: they loved me then, but they loved my gifts much more: when my gifts ceased, my friends vanished. But with what face shall I presume to see you my dearest daughter, since in my anger I married you upon worse terms than your sisters, who, after all the mighty favours they have received from me, suffer me to be in banishment and poverty?"
As he was lamenting his condition in these and the like expressions, he arrived at Karitia, where his daughter was, and waited before the city while he sent a messenger to inform her of the misery he was fallen into, and to desire her relief for a father who suffered both hunger and nakedness. Cordeilla was startled at the news and wept bitterly, and with tears asked how many men her father had with him. The messenger answered, he had but one man, who had been his armour-bearer, and was staying with him without the town. Then she took what money she thought might be sufficient, and gave it to the messenger, with orders to carry her father to another city, and there give out that he was sick, and provide for him bathing, clothes, and all other nourishment. She likewise gave orders that he should take into his service forty men, well clothed and accoutred, and that when all things were thus prepared he should notify his arrival to king Aganippus and his daughter. The messenger quickly returning, carried Leir to another city, and there kept him concealed, till he had done every thing that Cordeilla had commanded.

13

CHAP. XIII.—He is honourably received by Coredeilla and the king of Gaul.
AS soon as he was provided with his royal apparel, ornaments, and retinue, he sent word to Aganippus and his daughter, that he was driven out of his kingdom of Britain by his sons-in-law, and was come to them to procure their assistance for recovering his dominions. Upon which they, attended with their chief ministers of state and the nobility of the kingdom, went out to meet him, and received him honourably, and gave into his management the whole power of Gaul, till such time as he should be restored to his former dignity.

14

CHAP. XIV.—Leir, being restored to the kingdom by the help of his son-in-law and Cordeilla, dies.
IN the meantime Aganippus sent officers over all Gaul to raise an army, to restore his father-in-law to his kingdom of Britain. Which done, Leir returned to Britain with his son and daughter and the forces which they had raised, where he fought with his sons-in-law and routed them. Having thus reduced the whole kingdom to his power, he died the third year after. Aganippus also died; and Cordeilla, obtaining the government of the kingdom, buried her father in a certain vault, which she ordered to be made for him under the river Sore, in Leicester, and which had been built originally under the ground to the honour of the god Janus. And here all the workmen of the city, upon the anniversary solemnity of that festival, used to begin their yearly labours.

15

CHAP. XV.—Cordeilla, being imprisoned, kills herself. Margan, aspiring to the whole kingdom, is killed by Cunedagius.
AFTER a peaceful possession of the government for five years, Cordeilla began to meet with disturbances from the two sons of her sisters, being both young men of great spirit, whereof one, named Margan, was born to Maglaunus, and the other, named Cunedagius, to Henuinus. These, after the death of their fathers, succeeding them in their dukedoms, were incensed to see Britain subject to a woman, and raised forces in order to raise a rebellion against the queen; nor would they desist from hostilities, till, after a general waste of her countries, and several battles fought, they at last took her and put her in prison, where for grief and loss of her kingdom she killed herself. After this they divided the island between them; of which the part that reaches from the north side of the Humber to Caithness, fell to Margan; the other part from the same river westward was Cunedagius's share. At the end of two years, some restless spirits that took pleasure in the troubles of the nation, had access to Margan, and inspired him with vain conceits, by representing to him how mean and disgraceful it was for him not to govern the whole island, which was his due by right of birth. Stirred up with these and the like suggestions he marched with an army through Cunedagius's country, and began to burn all before him. The war thus breaking out, he was met by Cunedagius with all his forces, who attacked Margan, killing no small number of his men, and, putting him to flight, pursued him from one province to another, till at last he killed in in a town of Kambria, which since his death has been by the country people called Margan to this day. After the victory, Cunedagius gained the monarchy of the whole island, which he governed gloriously for three and thirty years. At this time flourished the prophets Isaiah and Hosea, and Rome was built upon the eleventh before the Kalends of May by the two brothers, Romulus and Remus.

History of the Kings of Britain/Giles 1848 Book 3

Translation by Aaron Thompson & J. A. Giles (1842). From Giles (ed), Six Old English Chronicles, 1948; see also annotated version

1

CHAP. I.—Brennius quarrels with Belinus his brother, and in order to make war against him, marries the daughter of the king of the Norwegians.
AFTER this a violent quarrel happened between his two sons Belinus and Brennius, who were both ambitious of succeeding to the kingdom. The dispute was, which of them should have the honour of wearing the crown. After a great many sharp conflicts that passed between them, the friends of both interposed, and brought them to agree on the division of the kingdom on these terms: that Belinus should enjoy the crown of the island, with the dominons of Loegria, Kambria and Cornwall, because, according to the Trojan constitution, the right of inheritance would come to him as the elder: and Brennius, as being the younger, should be subject to his brother, and have for his share Northumberland, which extended from the Humber to Caithness. The covenant therefore being confirmed upon these conditions, they ruled the country for five years in peace and justice. But such a state of prosperity could not long stand against the endeavours of faction. For some lying incendiaries gained access to Brennius and addressed him in this manner:—
"What sluggist spirit has possessed you, that you cn bear subjection to Belinus, to whom by parentage and blood you are equal; besides your experience in militry affairs, which you have gained in several engagements, when you so often repulsed cheulphus, general of the Morini, in his invasions of our country, and drove him out of your kingdom? Be no longer bound by a treaty which is a reproach to you, but marry the daughter of Elsingius, king of the Norwegians, that with his assistance you may recover your lost dignity." The young man, inflamed with these and the like specious suggestions, hearkened to them, and went to Norway, where he married the king's daughter, as his flatterers had advised him.

2

CHAP. II.—Brennius's sea-fight with Guichthlac, king of the Dacians. Guichthlac and Brennius's wife are driven ashore and taken by Belinus.
IN the meantime his brother, informed of this, was violently incensed, that without his leave he had presumed to act thus against him. Whereupon he marched into Northumberland, and possesed himself of that country and the cities in it, which he garrisoned with his own men. Brennius, upon notice given him of what his brother had done, prepared a fleet to return to Britain with a great army of Norwegians. But while he was under sail with a fair wind, he was overtaken by Guichthlac, king of the Dacians, who had pursued him. This prince had been deeply in love with the young lady that Brennius had married, and out of mere grief and vexaton for the loss of her, had prepapred a fleet to pursue Brennius with all expedition. In the sea-fight that happened on this occasion, he had the fortune to take the very ship in which the lady was, and brought her in among his companions. But during the engagement, contrary winds arose on a sudden, which brought on a storm, and dispersed the ships upon different shores: so that the king of the Dacians being driven up and down, after a course of five days arrived with the lady at Northumberland, under dreadful apprehensions, as not knowing upon what country this unforeseen casualty had thrown him. When this came to be known to the country people, they took them and carried them to Belinus, who was upon the sea-coast, especting the arrival of his brother. There were with Guichthlac's ship three others, one of which had belonged to Brennius's fleet. As soon as they had declared to the king who they were, he was overjoyed at this happy accident, while he was endeavouring to revenge himself on his brother.

3

CHAP. III.—Belinus in a battle routs Brennius, who thereupon flees to Gaul.
A <smallFEW days after appeared Brennius, with his fleet again got together, and arrived in Albania; and having received information of the capture of his wife and others, and that his brothr had seized the kingdom of Northumberland in his absence, he sent his ambassadors to him, to demand the restitution of his wife and kingdom; and if he refused them, to declare that he would destroy the whole island from sea to sea, and kill his brother whenever he could come to an engagement with him. On the other hand, Belinus absolutely refused to comply with his demands, and assembling together the whole power of the island, went into Albania to given him battle. Brennius, upon advice that he had suffered a repulse, and that his brother was upon his march against him, advanced to meet him in a wood called Calaterium, in order to attack him. When they were arrived on the field of battle, each of them divided his men into several bodies, and approaching one another, began the fight. A great part of the day was spent in it, because on both sides the bravest men were engaged; and much blood was shed by reason of the fury with which they encountered each other. So great was the slaughter, that the wounded fell in heaps, like standing corn cut down by reapers. At last the Britons prevailing, the Norwegians fled with their shattered troops to their ships, but were pursued by Belinus, and killed without mercy. Fifteen thousand men fell in the battle, nor were there a thousand of the rest that escaped unhurt. Brennius with much difficulty securing one ship, went as fortune drove him to the coasts of Gaul; but the rest that attended him, were forced to skulk up and down wherever their misfortunes led them.

4

CHAP. IV.—The king of Dacia, with Brennius's wife, is released out of prison.
BELINUS, after this victory, called a council of his nobility, to advice with them what he should do with the king of the Dacians, who had sent a message to him out of prison, that he would submit himself and the kingdom of Dacia to him, and also pay a yearly tribute, if he might have leave to depart with his mistress. He offered likewise to confirm his covenant with an oath, and the giving of hostages. When this proposal was laid before the nobility, they unanimously gave theie assent that Belinus should grant Guichthlac his petition on the terms offered. Accordingly he did grant it, and Guichthlac was released from prison, and returned with his mistress into Dacia.

5

CHAP. V.—Belinus revives and confirms the Molmutine laws, especially about the highways.
BELINUS now finding no body in the kingdom of Britain able to make head against him, and being possessed of the whole island from sea to sea, confirmed the laws his father had made, and gave command for a settled execution of justice through his kingdom. But above all things he ordered that cities, and the roads leading to them, whould enjoy the same privilege of peace that Dunwallo had established. But there arose a controversy about the roads, because the limits determining them were unknown. The king, therefore, willing to clear the law of all ambiguities, summoned all the workmen of the island together, and commanded them to pave a causeway of stone and mortar, which should run the whole length of the island, from the sea of Cornwall, to the shores of Caithness, and lead directly to the cities that lay upon that extent. He commanded another to be made over the breadth of the kingdom, leading from Menevia, that was situated upon the Demetian Sea, to Hamo's Port, and to pass through the interjacent cities. Other two he made obliquely through the island, for a passage to the rest of the cities. He then confirmed to them all honours and privileges, and prescribed a law for the punishment of any injury committed upon them. But if any one is curious to know all that he decreed concerning them, let him read the Molmutine Laws, which Gildas the historian translated from British into Latin, and King Alfred into English.

6

CHAP. VI.—Brennius, being made duke of the Allobroges, returns to Britain to fight with his brother.
WHILE Belinus was thus reigning in peace and tranquillity, his brother Brennius, who (as we said before) was driven upon the coasts of Gaul, suffered great torments of mind. For it was a great affliction for him to be banished from his country, and to have no power of returning to retrieve his loss. Being ignorant what course to take, he went among the princes of Gaul, accompanied only with twelve men; and when he had related his misfortune to every one of them, but could procure assistance from none, he went at last to Seginus, duke of the Allobroges, from whom he had an honourable reception. During his stay here, he contracted such an intimacy with the duke, that he became the greatest favourite in the court. For in all affairs, both of peace and war, he showed a great capacity, so that thi prince loved him with a paternal affection. He was besides of a graceful aspect, tall and slender in stature, and expert in hunting and fowling, as became his princely birth. So great was the friendship between them, that the duke resolved to give him his only daughter in marriage; and in case he himself should have no male issue, he appointed him and his daughter to succeed him in his dukedom of the Allobroges after his death. But if he should yet have a son, then he promised his assistance to advance him to the kingdom of Britain. Neither was this the desire of the duke only, but of all the nobility of his court, with whom he had very much ingratiated himself. So then without father delay the marriage was solemnized, and the princes of the country paid their homage to him, as the successor to the throne. Scarcely was the year at an end before the duke died; and then Brennius took his opportunity of engaging those princes of the country firmly in his interest, whom before he had obliged with his friendship. And this he did by bestowing generously upon them the duke's treasure, which had hoarded up from the times of his ancestors. But that which the Allobroges most esteemed him for, was his sumptuous entertainments, and keeping an open house for all.

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CHAP. VII.—Belinus and Brennius being made friends by the mediation of their mother, propose to subdue Gaul.
WHEN he had thus gained universal affection, he bagan to consult with himself how he might take revenge upon his brother Belinus. And when he had signified his intentions concerning it to his subjects, they unanimously concurred with him, and expressed their readiness to attend him to whatever kingdom he pleased to conduct them. He therefore soon raised a vast army, and having entered into a treaty with the Gauls for a free passage through their contry into Britain, fitted out a fleet upon the coast of Neustria, in which he set sail, and with a fair wind arrived at the island. Upon hearing the rumour of his coming, his brother, Belinus, accompanied with the whole strength of the kingdom, marched out to engage him. But when the twp armies were drawn out in order of battle, and just ready to begin the attack, Conwenna, their mother, who was yet living, ran in great haste through the ranks, impatient to see her son, whom she had not seen for a long time. As soon, therefore, as she had with trembling steps reached the place where he stood, she threw her arms about his neck, and in transports kissed him; then uncovering her bosom, she addressed herself to him, in words interrupted with sighs, to this effect:—
"My son, remember these breasts which gave you suck, and the womb wherein the Creator of all things formed you, and from whence he brought you forth into the world, while endured the greatest anguish. By the pains then which I suffered for you, I entreat you to hear my request: pardon your brother, and moderate your anger. You ought not to revenge yourself upon him who has done you no injury. As for what you complain of, that you were banished your country by him, if you duly consider the result, in strictness can it be called injustice? He did not banish you to make your condition worse, but forced you to quit a meaner that you might attain a higher dignity. At first you enjoyed only a part of a kingdom, and that in subjection to your brother. As soon as you lost that, you became his equal, by gaining the kingdom of the Allobroges. What has he then done, but raised you from a vassal to be a king? Consider farther, that the difference between youy began not through him, but through yourself, who, with the assistance of the king of Norway, raised an insurrection against him."
Moved by these representations of his mother, he obeyed her with a composed mind, and putting off his helmet of his own accord, went straight with her to his brother. Belinus, seeing him approach with a peaceable countenance, threw down his arms, and ran to embrace him; so that now, without more ado, they again became friends; and disarming their forces marched with them peaceably together to Trinovantum. And here, after conultation what enterprise to undertake, they prepared to conduct their confederate army into the province of Gaul, and reduce that entire country to their subjection.

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CHAP. VIII.—Belinus and Brennius, after the conquest of Gaul, march with their army to Rome.
THEY accordingly passed over into Gaul the year after, and began to lay waste that country. The news of which spreading through those several nations, all the petty kings of the Franks entered into a confederacy, and went out to fight against them. But the victory falling to Belinus and Brennius, the Franks fled with their broken forces; and the Britons and Allobroges, elevated with their success, ceased not to pursue them till they had taken their kings, and reduced them to their power. Then fortifying the cities which they had taken, in less than a year they brought the whole kingdom into subjection. At last, after a reduction of the provinces, they marched with their whole army towards Rome, and destroyed the cities and villages as they passed through Italy.

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CHAP. IX.—The Romans make a covenant with Brennius, but afterwards break it, for which reason Rome is besieged and taken by Brennius.
IN those days the two consuls of Rome were Gabius and Porsenna,to whose care the government of the country was committed. When they saw that no nation was able to withstand the power of Belinus and Brennius, they came, with the consent of the senate to them, to desire peace and amity. They likewise offered large presents of gold and silver, and to pay a yearly tribute, on condition that they might be suffered to enjoy their own in peace. The two kings therefore, taking hostages of them, yielded to their petition, and drew back their forces into Germany. While they were employing their arms in harassing that people, the Romans repented of their agreement, and again taking courage, went to assist the Germans. This step highly enraged the kings against them, who concerted measures how to carry on a war with both nations. For the greatness of the Italian army was a terror to them. The result of their council was, that Belinus with the Britons stayed in Germany, to engage with the enemy there; while Brennius and his army marched to Rome. Belinus had intelligence of it, and speedily marched with his army the same night, and possessing himself of a valley through which the enemy was to pass, lay hid there in expectation of their coming. The next day the Italians came in full march to the place; but when they saw the valley glittering with the enemy's armour, they were struck with confusion, thinking Brennius and the Galli Senones were there. At this favourable opportunity, Belinus on a sudden rushed forth, and fell furiously upon them: the Romans on the other hand, thus taken by surprised, feld the field, since they neither were armed, nor marched in any order. But Belinus gave them no quarter, and was only prevented by night coming on, from making a total destruction of them. With this victory he went straight to Brennius, who had now besieged Rome three days. Then joining their armies, they assaulted the city on every side, and endeavoured to level the walls: and to strike a greater terror into the besieged, erected gibbets before the gates of the city, and threatened to hang up the hostages, whom they had given, unless they would surrender. But the Romans, nothing moved by the suffering of their sons and relations, continued inflexible, and resolute to defend themselves. They therefore sometimes broke the force of the enemy's engines, by other engines of their own, sometimes repulsed them from the walls with showers of darts. This so incensed the two brothers, that they commanded four and twenty of their noblest hostages to be hanged in the sight of their parents. The Romans, however, were only more hardened by the spectacle, and having received a message from Gabius and Porsenna, their consuls, that they would come the next day to their assistance, they resolved to march out of the city, and give the enemy battle. Accordingly, just as they were ranging their troops in order, the consuls appeared with their re-assembled forces, marching up to the attack, and advancing in a close body, fell on the Britons and Allobroges by surprise, and being joined by the citizens that sallied forth, killed no small number. The brothers, in great grief to see such destruction made of their fellow soldiers, began to rally their men, and breaking in upon the enemy several times, forced them to retire. In the end, after the loss of many thousands of brave men on both sides, the brothers gained the day, and took the city, not however till Gabius was killed and Porsenna taken prisoner. This done, they divided among their men all the hidden treasure of the city.

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CHAP. X.—Brennius oppresses Italy in a most tyrannical manner. Belinus returns to Britain.
AFTER this complete victory, Brennius stayed in Italy, where he exercised unheard-of tyranny over the people. But the rest of his actions and his death, seeing that they are given in the Roman histories, I shall here pass over, to avoid prolixity and meddling in what others have treated of, which is foreign to my design. But Belinus returned to Britain, which he governed during the remainder of his life in peace; he repaired the cities that were falling to ruin, and built many new ones. Among the rest he built one upon the river Uske, near the sea of the Severn, which was for a long time called Caerosc, and was the metropolis of Dimetia; but after the invasion of the Romans it lost its first name, and was called the City of Legions, from the Roman legions which used to take up their winter quarters in it. He also made a gate of wonderful structure in Trinovantum, upon the bank of the Thames, which the citizens call after his name Billingsgate to this day. Over it he built a prodigiously large tower, and under it a haven or quay for ships. He was a strict observer of justice, and re-established his father's laws everywhere thoughout the kingdom. In his days there was so great an abundance of riches among the people, that no age before or after is said to have shown the like. At last, when he had finished his days, his body was burned, and the ashes put up in a golden urn, which they placed at Trinovantum, with wonderful art, on the top of the tower above-mentioned.

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CHAP. XI.—Gurgiunt Brabtruc, succeeding his father Belinus, reduces Dacia, which was trying to shake off the yoke.
HE was succeeded by Gurgiunt Brabtruc, his son, a sober prudent prince, who followed the example of his father in all his actions, and was a lover of peace and justice. When some neighbouring provinces rebelled against him, inheriting with them the bravery of his father, he repressed their insolence in several fierce battles, and reduced them to a perfect subjection. Among many other things it happened, that the king of the Dacians, who paid tribute in his father's time, refused not only tribute, but all manner of homage to him. This he seriously resented, and passed over in a fleet to Dacia, where he harassed the people with a most cruel war, slew their king, and reduced the country to its former dependence.

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CHAP. XII.—Ireland is given to be inhabited by the Barclenses, who had been banished out of Spain.
At that time, he was returning home from his conquest through the Orkney islands, he found thirty ships full of men and women; and upon his inquiring of them the occasion of their coming hither, their leader, named Partholoim, approached him in a respectful and submissive manner, and desired pardon and peace, telling him that he had been driven out of Spain, and was sailing round those seas in quest of a habitation. He also desired some small part of Britain to dwell in, that they might put an end to their tedious wanderings; for it was now a year and a half since he had been driven from his country, all of which time he and his company had been out at sea. When Gurgiunt Brabtruc understood that they came from Spain, and were called Barclenses, he granted their petition, and sent men with them to Ireland, which was then wholly uninhabited, and assigned it to them. There they grew up and increased in number, and have possesed that island to this very day. Gurgiunt Brabtruc after this ended his days in peace and was buried in the City of Legions, which, after his father's death, he ornamented with buildings and fotified with walls.

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CHAP. XIII.—Guithelin, reigning after Gurgiunt Brabtruc, the Martian law is instituted by Martia, a noble woman.
AFTER him Guithelin wore the crown, which he enjoyed all his life, treating his subjects wit mildness and affection. He had for his wife a noble lady named Martia, accomplished in all kinds of learning. Among many other admirable productions of her wit, she was the author of what the Britons call the Martian law. This alsoi among other things King Alfred translated, and called it in the Saxon tongue, Pa Marchitle Lage. Upon the death of Guithelin, the government of the kingdom remained in the hands of this queen and her son Sisillius, who was then but seven years old, and therefore unfit to take the government upon himself alone.

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CHAP. XIV.—Guithelin's successors in the kingdom.
FOR this reason the mother had the sole management of affairs committed to her, out of regard to her great sense and judgment. But on her death, Sisillius took the crown and government. After him reigned Kimarus his son, to whom succeeded Danius his brother. After his death the crown came to Morvidus, whom he had by his concubine Tangustela. He would have been a prince of extraordinary worth, had he not been addicted to immoderate cruelty, so far that in his anger he spared nobody, if any weapon were at hand. He was of a graceful aspect, extremely liberal, and of such vast strength as not to have his match in the whole kingdom.

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CHAP. XV.—Morvidus, a most cruel tyrant, after the conquest of the king of the Morini, is devoured by a monster.
IN his time a certain king of the Morini arrived with a great force in Northumberland, and began to destroy the country. But Morvidus, with all the strength of the kingdom, marched out against him, and fought him. In this battle he alone did more than the greatest part of his army, and after the victory, suffered none of the enemy to escape alive. For he commanded them to be brought to him one after the other, that he might satisfy his cruelty in seeing them killed; and when he grew tired of this, he gave orders that they should be flayed alive and burned. During these and other monstrous acts of cruelty, an accident happened which put a period to his wickedness. There came from the coasts of the Irish Sea, a most cruel monster, that was continually devouring the people on the sea-coasts. As soon as he heard of it, he ventured to go and encounter it alone; when he had in vain spent all his darts upon it, the monster rushed upon him, and with open jaws swallowed him up like a small fish.

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CHAP. XVI.—Gorbonian, a most just king of the Britons.
HE had five sons, whereof the eldest, Gorbonian, ascended the throne. There was not in his time a greater lover of justice and equity, or a more careful ruler of the people. The performance of due worship to the gods, and doing justice to the common people, were his continual employments. Through all the cities of Britain, he repaired the temples of the gods, and built many new ones. In all his days, the island abounded with riches, more than all the neighbouring countries. For he gave great encouragement to husbandmen in their tillage, by protecting them against any injury or oppression of their lords; and the soldiers he amply rewarded with money, so that no one had occasion to do wrong to another. Amidst these and many other acts of his innate goodness, he paid the debt of nature, and was buried at Trinovantum.

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CHAP. XVII.—Arthgallo is deposed by the Britons, and is succeeded by Elidure, who restores him again his kingdom.
AFTER him Arthgallo, his brother, was dignified with the crown, and in all his actions he was the very reverse of his brother. He everywhere endeavoured to derpress the nobility, and advance the baser sort of the people. He plundered the rich, and by those means amassed vast treasures. But the nobility, disdaining to bear his tyranny any longer, made an insurrection against him, and deposed him; and then advanced Elidure, his brother, who was afterwards surnamed the Pious, on account of his commiseration to Arthgallo in distress. For after five years' possession of the kingdom, as he happened to be hunting in the wood Calaterium, he met his brother that had been deposed. For he had travelled over several kingdoms, to desire assistance for the recovery of his lost dominions, but had procured none. And being no longer able to bear the poverty to which he was reduced, he returned back to Britain, attended only by ten men, with a design to repair to those who had been formerly his friends. It was at this time, as he was passing through the wood, his brother Elidure, who little expected it, got sight of him, and forgetting all injuroes, ran to him, and affectionatley embraced him. Now as he had long lamented his brother's affliction, he carried him with him to the city Alclud, where he hid him in his bed-chamber. After this, he feigned himself sick, and sent messengrs over the whole kingdom that they should come to visit him. Accordingly, when they were all met together at the city where he lay, he gave orders that they should come into his chamber one by one, softly, and without noise: his pretence fr which was, that their talk would be a disturbance to his head, should they all crowd in together. Thus, in obedience to his commands, and without the least suspicion of any design, they entered his house one after another. But Elidure had given charge to his servants, who were set ready for the purpose, to take each of them as they entered, and cut off their heads, unless they would again submit themselves to Arthgallo his brother. Thus did he with every one of them apart, and compelled them, through fear, to be reconciled to Arthgallo. At last the agreement being ratified, Elidure conducted Arthgallo to York, where he tok the crown from his own head, and put it on that of his brother. From this act of extraordinary affection to his brother, he obtained the surname of Pious. Arthgallo after this reigned ten years, and made amends for his former maladministration, by pursuing measures of an entirely opposite tendency, in depressing the baser sort, and advancing men of good birth; ion suffering every one to enjoy his own, and exercising strict justice towards all men. At last sickness seizing him, he died, and was buried in the city Kaerleir.

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CHAP. XVIII.—Elidure is imprisoned by Peredure, after whose death he is a third time advanced to the throne.
THEN Elidure was again advanced to the throne, and restored to his former dignity. But while in his government he followed the example of his eldest brother Gorbonian, in performing all acts of grace; his two remaining brothers, Vigenius and Peredure, raised an army, and made war against him, in which they proved victorious; so that they took him prisoner, and shut him up in the tower at Trinovantum, where they placed a guard over him. Then they divided the kingdom betwixt them; that part which is from the river Humber westward falling to Vigenius's share, and the remainder with all Albania to Peredure's. After seven years Vigenius died, and so the whole kingdom came to Peredure, who from that time governed the people with generosity and mildness, so that he even excelled his older brothers who had preceded him, nor was any mention now made of Elidure. But irresistible fate at last removed him suddenly, and so made way for Elidure's release from prison, and advancement to the throne the third time; who finished the course of his life in just and virtuous actions, and after death left an example of piety to his successors.

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CHAP. XIX.—The names of Elidure's thirty-three successors.
ELIDURE being dead, Gorbonian's son enjoyed the crown and imitated his uncle's wise and prudent government. For he abhorred tyranny, and prcatised justice and mildness towards the people, nor did he ever swerve from the rule of equity. After him reigned Margan, the son of Arthgallo, who, being instructed by the examples of his immediate predecessors, held the government in peace. To him succeeded Enniaunus, his brother, who took a contrary course, and in the sixth year of his reign was deposed, for having preferred a tyrannical to a just and legal administration. In his room was placed his kinsman Idwallo, the son of Vigenius, who, being admonished by Enniaunus's ill success, became a strict observer of justice and equity. To him succeeded Runno, the son of Peredure, whose successo was Geruntius, the son of Edidure. After him reigned Catellus, his son; after Catellus, Coillus; after Coillus, Porrex; after Porrex, Cherin. This prince had three sons, Fulgenius, Eldadus, and Andragius, who all reigned one after the other. Then succeeded Urianus, the son of Andragius; after whom reigned in order, Eliud, Cledaucus, Cletonus, Gurgintius, Merianus, Bleduno, Cap, Oenus, Sisillius, Blegabred. This last prince, in singing and playing upon musical instruments, excelled all the musicians that had been before him, so that he seemed worthy of the title of the God of Jesters. After him reigned Arthmail, his brother; after Arthmail, Eldol; to whom succeeded in order, Redion, Rederchius, Samuilpenissel, Pir, Capoir, and Cligueillus the son of Capoir, a man prudent and mild in all his actions, and who above all things made it his business to exercise true justice among his people.

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CHAP. XX.—Heli's three sons; the first of whom, viz. Lud, gives name to the city of London.
NEXT to him succeeded his son Heli, who reigned forty years. He had three sons, Lud, Cassibellaun,and Nennius; of whom Lud, being the eldest, succeeded to th kingdom after his father's death. He became famous for the building of cities, and for rebuilding the walls of Trinovantum, which he also surrounded with innumerable towers. He likewise commanded the citizens to build houses, and all other kinds of structures in it, so that no city in all foreign countries to a great distance round could show more beautiful palaces. He was withal a warlike man, and vvery magnificent in his feasts and public entertainments. And though he had many other cities, yet he loved this above them all, and resided in it the greater part of the year; for which reason it was afterwards called Kaerlud, and by the corruption of the word, Kaer-london; and again by change of languages, in process of time, London; as also by foreigners who arrived here, and reduced this country under their subjection, it was called Londres. At last, when he was dead, his body was buried by the gate which to this time is called in the British tongue after his name, Parthlud,and in the Saxon, Ludesgata. He had two sons, Androgeus and Tenuantius, who were incapable of governing on account of their age: and thereofre their uncle Cassibeallaun was preferred to the kingdom in their room. As soon as he was crowned, he bagan to display his generosity and magnificence to such a degree, that his fame reached to distant kingdoms; which was the reason that the monarchy of the whole kingdom came to be invested in him, and not in his nephews. Nothwithstanding Cassibellaun, from an impulse of piety, would not suffer them to be without their share in the kingdom, but assigned a large part of it to them. For he bestowed the city of Trinovantum, with the dukedom of Kent, on Androgeus; and the dukedom of Cornwall on Tenuantius. But he himself, as possessing the crown, had the sovereignty over them, and all the other princes of the island.